anarchol

October 10, 2007

Emma Goldman – The Queen of Anarchy: The Carmarthenshire Connection

Filed under: Uncategorized — anarchol @ 11:18 pm

by Dr Huw Walters First published in The Carmarthenshire Antiquary, Volume XXXIX, 2003, pages 114 – 121

In December 1885 a small band of Lithuanian Jews emigrated to New York. At that time Lithuania formed part of the Russian Empire, and like so many emigrants from Eastern Europe in the last quarter of the nineteenth century these Jews were seeking refuge from oppression in America. Among the refugees were two young sisters, Helena and Emma Goldman, and scarcely could any of their fellow travellers have imagined how influential one of these girls would become in the political life of the United States.

Emma Goldman was born in the Lithuanian city of Kovno on 27 June 1869, the daughter of an innkeeper, Abraham Goldman, and his wife Taube. She received four years of primary education in a Jewish school in Königsberg, but in 1882 she moved with the family to the Jewish ghetto in St Petersburg. These were troubled times in Russia’s history, with Tsar Alexander II newly assassinated. Revolution was in the air, and like so many young people of her country, Emma started reading the radical literature of the period, – the works of Turgenev and Chernyshevsky, and women like Vera Zasulich and Sophia Pevovskaya became her heroines.

According to the testimony of those who knew him, Abraham Goldman was a hard and cruel man and, according to Emma herself, the bane of her childhood. When he tried to force her to marry in 1885, she and her sister decided to seek a new home in the United States. There she found work in a clothing factory in the Jewish ghetto in Rochester, where she worked ten hours a day for a wage of two and a half dollars a week, and it was not long before she realized that the condition of ordinary workers in America was not much different from that of their counterparts in Russia.

It was a time of industrial unrest in the United States, and the growth of trade unionism caused regular clashes between master and worker. In 1887 four workers were hanged for inciting a riot at Haymarket Square in Chicago. This event had a profound effect on Emma, and when she moved to New York in August 1889 she joined a group of anarchists led by Johann Most, editor of the anarchist newspaper Freiheit. She met Alexander Berkman, a young Russian who shared her ideals, the same month, and the two became lovers. A year later, she embarked on her first lecture tour to Rochester, Buffalo and Cleveland, thereby beginning her career as one of the most eloquent speakers of her day.

She came to realize that addressing meetings and distributing leaflets were not enough, and in 1892 an opportunity arose for her and Berkman to act directly against the establishment. On 6 July that year, nine striking steel workers from the Carnegie Steel Company were killed, and hundreds were injured in a riot in Homestead, Pennsylvania. Emma and Berkman, angered by the incident, immediately left for Homestead, where Berkman shot the chairman of the Carnegie Steel Company, Henry Clay Frick. Although Frick recovered from his injuries and succeeded in breaking the workers’ union, Berkman was sentenced to twenty two years imprisonment. A year later, Emma herself was imprisoned on Blackwell Island for declaring, in a speech to a crowd in Union Square, New York, that the unemployed had a perfect right to steal bread if the state failed to support them.

During the year she spent in prison Emma had the opportunity to carry out some practical work as a nurse, and in 1895 she left New York to follow a nursing course in Vienna. She also visited London, where she spoke in Hyde Park and met Peter Kropotkin. She then completed a lecture tour of the north of England and Scotland. On returning to America in 1896 she resumed her mission with zeal. She was ever critical of the institution of marriage, no doubt because of the complete failure of her own marriage to the Russian, Jacob Kersner, which lasted barely a year. During this period Emma became well known for advocating the latest methods of birth control, but all this activity came to a sudden end in 1901, when Leon Czosolgosz, a young man who professed to be an anarchist, assassinated William McKinley, President of the United States, in Buffalo, New York. In his confession Czolgosz declared: ‘I am a disciple of Emma Goldman. Her words set me on fire. What started the craze to kill was a lecture I heard her deliver some time ago in Cleveland. I and other anarchists went to hear her’. As a result Goldman was also arrested and accused of being involved in the assassination plot, but she was later released for lack of evidence.

Goldman devoted herself during the next few years to writing, and in 1906 she founded a radical monthly magazine entitled Mother Earth. Berkman assisted her with the magazine when he was released from prison. Her Anarchism and Other Essays appeared in 1910, and in the years that followed she proceeded to publish the classic works of Ibsen, Oscar Wilde, Bakunin and Kropotkin. In her fortieth year she met the twenty nine year old Benjamin Lewis Reitman, a hobo-doctor, bisexual, with whom she fell so completely in love that she was consumed with a kind of erotomania. The language she used in her correspondence with him would be considered extreme even today, and her letters to Reitman have been described as ‘pages of pornographic ravings.’ 1

Despite Emma’s low profile during the first decade of the twentieth century, some government officials were busy trying to unearth incriminating evidence which they might be able to use at some future date to deprive her of her citizenship. That opportunity came in 1917 when she and Berkman were arrested for leading the opposition to the Great War and holding public meetings against military conscription. Both were jailed for two years, and during this period J. Edgar Hoover worked on preparing a case against them. On their release from prison in 1919, they were deported to the Soviet Union along with other people of dubious character.

It might be imagined that Emma would have felt quite at home in the Soviet Union after the Revolution in 1917, but this was not the case. Completely disillusioned, she was vehemently opposed to the new order, chronicling her experiences in 1923 in the volume My Disillusionment in Russia. Consequently Emma and Berkman left for Europe in 1921, and spent some periods in England, Sweden and Germany, writing and addressing political meetings. But she longed to return to America, and she could only realize this dream by becoming a British citizen.

In October 1926 she arrived in Canada, hoping to return to the United States. By then she claimed British citizenship through her marriage on June 27 1925 to James Colton, a collier from the Aman Valley in Carmarthenshire. News of this wedding caused a considerable stir among senior government officials in America, second only to the stir it caused in the Aman Valley. Journalists from the New York Times and reporters from the London newspapers were regular visitors to the Aman Valley in the following months, eager to scoop the story of the courtship. But James Colton was a taciturn man. According to a report published in The New York Times on 21 November 1926:

Glanamman, Carmarthenshire, South Wales: Cupid was armed with a coal pick when he dug his way into the heart of Emma Goldman. James Colton, a miner living here, is the man whom the Anarchist leader chose after spurning marriage for forty years. Colton won’t say much at present about the romance, which he considers ‘the personal affair of the two of us’, but told the Associated Press: ‘I have just completed writing the first true story of our association which extends over twenty years. It is a story that many have sought since the news of our romance was broadcast throughout the world, but as yet I have the manuscript in my desk, and perhaps it may remain there always. I am at liberty, however, to make public these interesting details when I see fit’
Recent Canadian despatches told of the arrival here of the former Miss Goldman under the name of Mrs E. G. Colton. Colton, who is of Scotch birth calls the little home which he has long lived as a bachelor – ‘Station Cottage’. There are several photographs of Mrs Colton on the walls, and a small likeness in a silver frame on his desk near the window, where he writes in his hours of freedom from the mines.
Neighbors say the couple met twenty odd years ago. Then came a long period during which they did not see each other. Miss Goldman spent most of her time in the U.S.A. until she was deported in 1919. When the Bolsheviki forced her out of Russia, Cupid got busy again and brought them together, and the romance of the Anarchist and the miner ripened. The neighbor’s won’t say much about the romance because they all like Colton and agree with him that if he has married it is ‘his affair and hers’, and that Jim will tell all about it when the time arrives. 
2

In the summer of 1974, I had the opportunity of visiting, at her home in Pontardawe, Mrs Fay Colton, Jim Colton’s daughter-in-law, whose late husband (also named Jim) had worked with my grandfather at the Gelliceidrim colliery in Glanaman. Mrs Colton showed me a large scrap-book of press cuttings about Goldman, which her father-in-law had kept, together with a small collection of Goldman’s letters to Jim Colton. However, there was no sign of the ‘manuscript’ mentioned in the report which was published in The New York Times. Mrs Colton was familiar with the Colton-Goldman story, and confirmed that her father-in-law was born in Scotland in 1860, and had moved to Penarth, near Cardiff, when he was a boy. He then found employment in a bakery at Upper Boat, near Pontypridd. However, he later moved to Glanaman where he became a miner at the Gelliceidrim colliery.

There were in the Aman Valley at this time, a number of young men who held radical ideas in social doctrine. In 1913 the eccentric millionaire George Davison, managing director of the Kodak Company, had purchased the old vicarage in Ammanford for £1,500, and had presented it to a group of local radicals as a centre for the study and promotion of political ideas 3. Soon, the ‘White House’, as it was called, became known as a meeting place for the young socialists of the district, and Noah Ablett, T. Rhondda Williams, T. E. Nicholas and the brothers Stet and Ben Wilson of Berkley, California, addressed meetings there from time to time 4. Jim Colton probably attended these meetings at the White House and came to know other early socialists in the Aman Valley, such as Jack Griffiths, Edgar Bassett, D. R. Owen, Harry Arthur and James Griffiths 5. It is believed that he first met Emma Goldman when she was on a lecture tour in Edinburgh in the 1890s, and that their friendship was renewed when she returned to lecture in the south Wales valleys in the 1920s. Jim Colton was aware of her desire to return to the United States, and as he had buried his first wife, he suggested that they marry in order to secure British citizenship for her. The marriage took place in London on 27 June 1925.

There are only two references to James Colton in Emma’s autobiography, Living My Life, but the letters to her husband, show that she was not a woman to forget a kindness. On 22 June 1926, a few days before the first anniversary of their marriage, with the great miners’ strike at its height, Emma wrote to him:

Another five days and it will be a year that you have taken the anxiety from me as to where I might have some safety. I shall always remember that, dear friend. I want you to have a little holiday on the 27th … for that I enclose a £1. I wish I could make it a hundred times as much. I’d love to be able to help the miners.

However, Emma’s wish to return to America was not realised until 1940 when she was buried in the Waldheim cemetery in Chicago in May of that year.

The story of her stormy career became the theme of the Hollywood film Reds, starring Warren Beatty, – a film which won a number of Oscar awards in 1981 for best film and best cinematography. Maureen Stapleton was also awarded an Oscar for her portrayal of the American feminist and anarchist. In 1999 the Teliesyn Co-operative under the directorship of Colin Thomas produced a Welsh language documentary on the anarchist’s relationship with Jim Colton 6. Goldman’s life and work has also become a rich field of study for historians and feminists alike, but her relationship with James Colton, a miner from the Aman Valley stilll remains shrouded in mystery.

Notes

  1. Bernard Levin in a review of Emma Goldman: An Intimate Life, (Alice Wexler), The Observer, 10 March 1985.
  2. ‘Goldman Romance Covered Twenty Years. Anarchist Leader Married to Colton, a Miner in Wales After a Long Separation’, The New York Times, 21 November 1926. Cf the report by ‘The Watchman’ [Fred Thomas] editor of The Amman Valley Chronicle in the edition of 16 May 1940: ‘I remember being sent to interview the late Mr Colton on the subject of his supposed marriage. Mr Colton preferred to keep a silent tongue. He would neither deny nor confirm the authenticity of the claim’.
  3. See T. Brennan, ‘The White House’, The Cambridge Journal, 7 (1953-1954), 243-8; T. Brennan, E. W. Cooney and H. Pollins, Social Change in South-West Wales, (London, 1954), 27-8, 149-50. On George Davison (1856-1930), see Brian Coe, ‘George Davison: Impressionist and Anarchist’, in Mike Weaver, ed., British Photography in the Nineteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1989), 215-41; Idem, The Birth of Photography: The Story of the Formative Years 1800-1900, (London, 1989), 107.
  4. However, a number of local people were uneasy with the activities of some of the members of the White House. David Rees Griffith (’Amanwy’), the brother of James Griffiths who was later to become the Labour Member of Parliament for the Llanelli constituency, wrote in his gossip column in The Herald of Wales in November 1913, following a meeting which he had attended at the White House, that ‘it will indeed be a sad day for the people of Wales if the ideals which were promulgated there that evening should ever come to pass’.
  5. James Griffiths, Pages From Memory, (London, 1969), 20-21; J. Beverley Smith, ‘An Appreciation’, in James Griffiths and His Times, (Llanelli, 1977), 72-4.
  6. ‘Dilyn Ddoe: F’annwyl, Annwyl Emma’, was broadcast on S4C on 8 May 1999. See Colin Thomas, ‘Red Emma and Sweet Solidarity’, Planet, 133 (February/March 1999), 58-63.

Sam Mainwaring and the Autonomist Tradition

Filed under: Uncategorized — anarchol @ 5:12 pm

by Ken John. Orginally published in Llafur, Volume 4 Number 3, 1986.

Next year marks the centenary of the first, August 1887, Socialist propaganda tour of Pontypridd, the Rhondda Fach, Aberdare and Merthyr by Samuel Mainwaring, a London based engineer.

Among the subsequently published recollections of him is that in Tom Mann’s Memoirs:

He was.. one of the very first to understand the significance of the revolutionary movement, and the first, as far as my knowledge goes, to appreciate industrial action as distinct from parliamentary action. He had been, in the late ’70s, a member of the East London Labour Emancipation League, and an early member of the Social Democratic Federation. Then, when the severance took place, he was one of the founders of the Socialist League. Sam Mainwaring was once my foreman, and he showed in the workshop, that same quiet dignified bearing that characterised him at public meetings… After attending propagandist meetings William Morris frequently walked back with Mainwaring, and it was said of them that they looked like the skipper and the first mate of a ship. Mainwaring was a good speaker, and took part in many meetings. As time went on he showed an increasing disposition towards Anarchist Communism, but the members of the League generally called themselves Revolutionary Socialists to differentiate themselves from Parliamentary Socialism.

From a wholly Libertarian point of view, Mat Kavanagh contributed to the may 1934 number of Freedom:

The Anarchist movement, numerically always a small movement in this country, has been rich in exceptional personalities. One of the most outstanding was Sam Mainwaring, big in body and mind, a Celt with all the fire and enthusiasm of his race, he was yet a quiet and persuasive speaker, and a tireless worker. The cause was not a spare time hobby with him, it was his life’s work, and his zest never diminished. When he was too old to do much open-air speaking, he took care that at his favourite pitch, near Hoxton Church, there was a speaker, a platform, and literature for sale… He served for years as delegate on the London Trades Council, and whilst never seeking an official position in his Union, he was active in it, seldom missing an opportunity of expressing revolutionary views.

He was one of the original members of the Socialist League, a personal friend of William Morris, and was very closely associated with and respected by all the propagandists of that day. Wherever he happened to be living, Wales, London, or elsewhere, that place became a centre of propagandist activity. Older Comrades will remember Sam’s propaganda tours into Wales.. Sam spoke in his native Welsh which he maintained was the finest speaking language in the world.

As a propagandist orator, Sam had his own style of address. It was characterised by clear deliberate thought, argument and enunciation, which held his audience fixed until his message was delivered. He had a remarkable gift of humour, its form generally taking that of a story,the climax of which both amused and astonished the crowds who listened to him. It was a common thing to hear him speak four or five hours at a stretch, often in that time attracting two or three fresh crowds of people.

Years ago, Tom Mann, at a meeting of the Club and Institute Union Hall in Clerkenwell Road, introduced Mainwaring as his “old foreman who, in the engineers’ workshop where they both were employed, brought the message of Socialism to him” It is lamentable that Tom should now be a public spokesman of a party who would, by the medium of the OGPU, put a Russian Mainwaring up against a wall and shoot him. Sam Mainwaring always advocated the right of others to express their own sincere convictions equally with himself.

This year being the centenary of William Morris, we ought to bear in mind some of the Comrades who worked with him in the Socialist League. Some so called historians of today regard Morris and the League as the same thing. The fact is, there was a body of really remarkable men and women in the League, and not the least of them was Sam Mainwaring. He left a gap that has not been filled.

And Again, in War Commentary for mid-december 1943, following the death of Sam’s nephew of the same name, Sam Mainwaring junior,at Neath:

All old comrades who knew the Mainwarings will regret the passing away of Sam who died this week after an operation. Sam was the nephew of the famous Sam Mainwaring, and was reared by him in every sense of the word… brought up in such an environment it would be impossible to be anything other than a revolutionist and an anarchist. The elder Mainwaring was a pioneer of Anarchism in England and Wales, a friend of Kropotkin, and especially of William Morris. He started in conjunction with Tarrida del Marmol “The General Strike”, an english paper advocating industrial direct action. The watchword was “Watch your Leaders” indicating their attitude towards the corrupt trade union bureaucracy of that day.

The younger Sam emigrated to South Africa whilst quite young, and was active in the newly born labour movement there. So much so in fact, that he soon found it wise to move on, this time to the United States where he worked on the Western Seafront in the early and active days of the Industrial Workers of the World.

At that time the Mexicans were in revolt.. using San Francisco as a jumping off point. The brothers Magon were issuing their paper “Regeneracion” from there, and Sam Mainwaring was in the midst of all their activities.

Everything you ever wanted to know about anarchism but were afraid to ask

Filed under: Uncategorized — anarchol @ 5:11 pm

A statement of anarchism written by the Anarchist Media Group in Cardiff around 1980. It has been re-edited and updated many times since. This is the text of the orginal pamphlet.

INTRODUCTION
There is probably more rubbish talked about anarchism than any other political idea. Actually, it has nothing to do with a belief in chaos, death and destruction. Anarchists do not normally carry bombs, nor do they ascribe any virtue to beating up old ladies.

It is no accident that the sinister image of the mad anarchist is so accepted. The State, the press and all the assorted authoritarian types, use every means at their disposal to present anarchy as an unthinkable state of carnage and chaos. We can expect little else from power-mongers who would have no power to monger if we had our way. They have to believe that authority and obedience are essential in order to justify their own crimes to themselves. The TV, press and films all preach obedience, and when anarchy is mentioned at all, it is presented as mindless destruction.

The alleged necessity of authority is so firmly planted in the average mind that anarchy, which means simply ‘no government’ is almost unthinkable to most people. The same people, on the other hand, will admit that rules, regulations, taxes, officiousness and abuse of power (to name but a few) are irritating to say the least. These things are usually thought to be worth suffering in silence because the alternative – no power, no authority, everybody doing what they pleased – would be horrible. It would be anarchy.

Yet there are a limitless range of possible societies without the State. Not all of them would be unpleasant to live in. Quite the contrary! Any kind of anarchist society would at least be spared the horrible distortions the State produces. The ‘negative’ side of anarchism – abolition of the State – has to be balanced against what replaces it – a society of freedom and free co-operation.

Various sorts of anarchists have differing ideas on exactly how society ought to be organised. They all agree that the State must be replaced by a society without classes and without force. It is because of this belief in freedom that we are reluctant to put forward a rigid blueprint. We offer only possible models backed up by evidence drawn from life. Actually, there has already been an anarchist society and it took nothing less than mass murder to stop it.

Another common misunderstanding from those who know slightly more about it, is that anarchism is a nice daydream, a beautiful but impractical idea. In fact, the anarchist movement has a long history and it arose not in the heads of ivory tower philosophers, but directly from the practical struggle for survival of masses of ordinary, downtrodden people. It has always been intensely practical in its concerns and its ways of doing things. The movement has come quite close to success a few times. If it is really so hopelessly impractical, then why is the State so determined to stamp it out?

ELEMENTARY ANARCHISM

Very few people seem to understand anarchism, even though it is a very simple, straightforward idea. It can be expressed basically as running our own lives instead of being pushed around.

There is nothing complicated or threatening about anarchism, except the fearsome arguments it can get you into. Such as the one about the chaos there would be if everyone did just what they wanted. But we have chaos already don’t we? Millions are out of work, whilst others do too much boring, repetitive labour. People starve at the same time as food is being dumped into the sea to keep prices up. Our air is choked by the fumes from cars that contain only one person. The list of crazy, chaotic things that happen is endless.

Even the ‘good’ things that the State does are actually harmful. The Health Service, for example, patches us up just like an industrial repair shop which in a sense it is. It serves to make us dependent on the State and, worst of all, it buys us off cheaply. It prevents us from creating the genuine, self-managed Health Service we need, geared to our needs not theirs.

Authorities by their very nature can only interfere and impose things. Surely, ordinary people can figure out some way of coping, without planners knocking down their houses to build yet more empty office blocks? It is a basic anarchist principle that only people who live in an area have the right to decide what happens there.

All this chaos, we believe, arises from authority and the State. Without the ruling class and its need to keep us in bondage, there would be no State. Without the State we would be in a position to organise freely for our own ends. Surely we couldn’t make a worse mess than we are stuck with already? Free organisation could provide a much greater orderliness than a society that concentrates on the systematic robbery and suppression of the majority of its members.

SOME COMMON ARGUMENTS AGAINST ANARCHISM

We are often asked how an anarchist society would deal with, for instance, murderers. Who would stop them without the police?

Most murders are crimes of passion and therefore unpreventable by police or anyone else. Hopefully, however, in a saner, less frustrating society such ‘crimes’ would be less common.

Our rulers claim to be protecting us from each other. Actually they are more interested in protecting themselves and ‘their’ property from us.

If we, as members of a local community, owned and shared all resources it would become absurd to steal. An important motive for crime would be abolished.

These local communities would need to develop some means of dealing with individuals who harmed others. Instead of a few thousand professional police there would be 51 million in the ‘United Kingdom’ alone. Ultimately, our only protection is each other.

Prisons fail to improve or reform anyone. Local people aware of each others’ circumstances would be able to apply more suitable solutions, in keeping with the needs of the victim and the offender. The present penal system, on the other hand, creates criminal behaviour. Long term prisoners are often rendered incapable of surviving outside an institution that makes all their decisions for them. How is locking people up with others of an anti-social turn of mind (the worst of whom are the screws) supposed to develop responsibility and reasonable behaviour? Of course it does just the opposite. The majority of prisoners re-offend.

Another question anarchists have had thrown at them for years is: “But who would do all the dirty and unpleasant jobs?”. We imagine each community would devise its own rota system. What is so impossible about that?

Then there’s the question: “But what about those who refuse to work?”. Well, social pressure can be applied. People could, for example, be ’sent to Coventry’, i.e. ignored. In drastic cases they could be expelled from the community.

But people need to work. People have a definite need for creative activity. Notice how many people spend their time working on cars or motor bikes, in gardening, making clothes, creating music. These are all creative activities that can be enjoyable. They are usually thought of as hobbies rather than work, since we’re brought up to think of work as a torment to be endured.

In this society of course, work is a torment. Naturally, we hate it. This does not mean that we are naturally lazy, it means that we resent being treated like machines, compelled to do mostly meaningless work for someone else’s benefit. Work does not have to be like that – and if it were controlled by the people who had to do it, it certainly would not be.

Of course some jobs just have to be done, and there are few methods in sight of making collecting rubbish a fun occupation. Everybody would have to take a share and everybody would have to see to it that nobody got away with shirking their responsibilities.

A further point worth making is that unemployment is only a problem created by capitalism. In a sensible world there would be no unemployment. Everyone would have a shorter working week, because they would only produce things that were needed. If we were to get rid of the parasitic ruling class, we would be free of most of the economic pressure to work.

If you still need to be convinced that an anarchist society could solve the problem of people failing to meet their responsibilities, then imagine yourself being compelled to face a meeting of the whole community you live in and being publicly discussed as a problem. Ugh!

Yet another common objection is: “Well, perhaps it would work on a peasant village scale, but how can you run a complex industrial society without the authority of managers?”. Well, in the first place, we believe that society needs to be broken down to smaller-scale units as much as possible, so as to make them comprehensible to small groups of ordinary people. It is a noticeable fact of organisation, as well as a basic principle of anarchist theory, that small groups of people can work efficiently together, and co-ordinate with other such groups; whereas large formless groups are gullible and easily dominated. Expanding this point it is interesting to note that recently the famous ‘economies of scale’ that justify steel works, for example, covering many square miles, have been increasingly called into question. Beyond a certain point factories, farms, administrative systems and so on, actually get much less efficient as they get larger.

As much as is reasonably possible should be produced and consumed locally. Some facilities, however, would have to be dealt with on a regional or even larger scale. There is no insoluble problem about this, in fact solutions were found by the Spanish working class in the thirties. The Barcelona Bus Company doubled services, made generous contributions to the City Entertainments Collective and produced guns for the front in the bus workshops. All this was achieved with a smaller workforce, as many had left to fight the fascists. This amazing increase in efficiency, despite the war and serious shortages of essential supplies, is not surprising on reflection after all, who can best run a bus company? Obviously bus workers.

All the Barcelona workers were organised into syndicates – groups of workers in the same enterprise, sub-divided into work groups. Each group made its own day-to-day decisions and appointed a delegate to represent their views on wider issues concerning the whole factory, or even the whole region. Each of the delegates was instructed in what to say by their workmates and the task of being a delegate was frequently rotated. Delegates could be changed at short notice if it was felt they were getting out of line (the principle of recallability). These show the basic anarchist principles of free federation in practice. By adding more levels of delegation it is possible to cope with organising activity on any scale, without anyone giving up their freedom to work as they choose. This idea of federalism is illustrated again in a later section called ‘Local action and organisation’.

Let’s move on to another objection – “Wouldn’t a society without a State have no defence from attack by foreign states?”.

Well, it must be said that having a State hasn’t prevented us from being taken over by the US Empire. In fact ‘our own’ armed forces are used against us as an army of occupation. The State does not defend us. It uses us as cannon fodder to defend our rulers, who, if the truth be untangled, are our real enemies.

Returning to the question, a classic anarchist answer is to arm the people. Anarchist militias in Spain very nearly won the civil war despite shortages of weapons, treachery by the Communists and intervention by Germany and Italy. Where they made their mistake was in allowing themselves to be integrated into an army run by statists. An armed population would be difficult to subdue.

But yes, we could be destroyed. We believe that the real nuclear threat is from ‘our side’. The American rulers would probably exterminate us all rather than willingly allow us our freedom.

Against the threat of destruction our best defence is the revolutionary movement in other countries. Put another way, our best defence against the Russian nuclear bomb is the current movement of the Polish workers. This may well spread to the rest of the Soviet Empire. Conversely their best hope of not being vaporised is that we might succeed in abolishing ‘our’ bomb. (CND has not yet realised that banning the megadeath weapons means banning the State!)

It is instructive how the Russian revolution was saved from wholesale British intervention by a series of mutinies and ‘blackings’ by British workers.

True security would be guaranteed if we could develop our international contacts to the point where we can be sure that the workers in each ‘enemy’ country will not allow their rulers to attack us.

The last few pages have been a very brief introduction to the way anarchists think. There are plenty more ideas and details to be found in various books on the subject. But basically you understand anarchism by living it, becoming involved with other anarchists and working on projects, so this is the theme around which the majority of this little book is written – anarchist actions.

ANARCHISM IN ACTION

If you have followed this pamphlet so far, you should have a fairly reasonable idea of what an anarchist society is. The problem is how to get from here to there.

Within anarchism there are many different but related ideas. There are complete systems of anarchist political theory going by names like federalism, mutualism, individualism, syndicalism, anarchist-communism, anarcha-feminism, situationism, and so on.

The arguments between different brands of anarchism have been going on for a long time and are too involved for an introductory pamphlet.

However, if we think in terms of what anarchism says needs to be done now, it turns out that there is considerable agreement between brands. Each strand emphasises the importance of action in a particular area of life.

If you begin to put the ideas of the following pages into practice, you will start to work out your own version of anarchism. By doing this you will be adding a new member to a movement that always needs new members, particularly ones who have thought things through. Try your ideas out on your friends, read more on anarchism, talk with other anarchists!

Be an independent thinker. There is no other sort.

ORGANISING IN THE WORKPLACE

Traditionally, anarchists believe that the main problem with the world is that it is divided into masters and ‘wage slaves’. If we could get rid of the bosses and run industry ourselves, for the benefit of our own needs not theirs, it would clearly make a big improvement and would transform every area of life.

There are, however, some anarchists who believe the working class is so used to being enslaved that some other route to revolution will have to be found.

An anarchist at work, however, will usually at least try to get his or her workmates to organise themselves. We try to spread the simple idea that by sticking together we resist being pushed around. This is best done by talking to workmates, becoming accepted and trusted by them, rather than by high pressure preaching. Solidarity can best be learned through action.

Anarchists try to be ready for strikes when they happen. Usually the most important task in such situations is to undermine the power of the official union line and get people working together directly rather than through the ‘proper channels’. The point of anarchism is to seize control of our own lives, not to hand it over to an official for a sell out. As it happens such direct action is the tried and tested way of winning industrial battles. Unity is strength.

To the anarchist, strikes for more small changes, demarcation disputes, and so on, are not especially revolutionary. To us, the only real point in such actions is that in the course of them people may begin to learn how to organise for themselves and gain confidence in their collective power. Eventually this experience could prove useful and begin to allow workers effectively to challenge the industrial power structure and build towards complete workers’ control of production.

We have a long history to draw on and many useful techniques that have worked elsewhere. There are ideas like slowing down till we reckon we are working at a rate appropriate to the wage. Or ‘good work’ strikes, taking care to do a good job irrespective of the time it takes. Such actions only make sense if taken by a group of people in a united fashion. They are examples of direct action. We don’t ask the bosses, we tell them. By contrast the indirect (so-called democratic) method is to wait five years and put a cross opposite the name of a labour politician, who turns out to be in the same freemason’s lodge as the opposition candidate.

We would hope that self-organisation among workers will once again (as at other times in recent history) reach the point where they are prepared to act together and confront the State in its entirety. If the next time around there is adequate experience, organisation, preparation and awareness, it will be possible to dispose of the State and bosses and move towards an anarchist society and an anarchist world.

There are a variety of ways differing anarchists believe this could come about. Some anarchists support the idea of building giant unions controlled from the bottom up, rather than the usual top down structure. This syndicalism is a clear strategy for revolution which has been shown effective in the past. The union ideally includes all the workers in each place and aims to develop self-organisation to the point where the workers can easily take over the factories. Strikes can, where necessary, be backed up by solidarity action from other workers.

Eventually, enough workers will have joined and become active for a general strike. The State is paralysed and can do nothing if it cannot trust the army to kill its own relatives. The general strike may be a general take-over by the people, or develop into one. At this point the work of building Utopia can begin.

Some anarchists reject aspects of this plan. They doubt the wisdom of forming unions at all, even if decentralised. They worry that a layer of professional leaders will develop. There is also the danger of getting lost in the swamp of everyday compromise over petty issues.

In any case this difference in approach does not prevent working together. In the ‘United Kingdom’ (joke phrase) the existing Labour-mafia controlled unions have already got it all sewn up. The prospects for forming anarchist unions are obviously dismal.

In these circumstances, it seems that the way forward is to try to promote links between workers that by-pass the mafia controlled union HQ’s which try to monopolise information so as to maintain control. Any action such as flying pickets, which puts control in the hands of strikers themselves, should be encouraged.

It would be useful if anarchists working in the same industry were in contact. Where contacts do not already exist, a conference is a good starting-off point.

‘NATIONAL’ ISSUES

Large Scale Campaigns

Anarchists usually make a poor showing in influencing large scale campaigns. This is partly because the christians, liberals, trotskyists, and so on, who generally manage to control them, often make them so lifeless, ineffectual and generally wet that no self-respecting anarchist will go near them.

In fact we see the leaderships of these groups as an important part of the system, whose function is to control protest by steering it harmlessly into ‘proper’ channels.

An example of this process at work was the attempt by ‘Friends of the Earth’ to contest the public inquiry into the Windscale nuclear reprocessing plant. The result was that a good deal of energy and money was directed into an entirely useless argument between rival experts. The illusion was fostered that the government is fair and reasonable and has a right to make this kind of decision. The verdict was of course a foregone conclusion and the go-ahead was given. The net effect was to misdirect and defuse protest about the nuclear power programme.

On the other hand, many anarchists believe that it is a good idea to get involved with campaigns such as CND, the Anti-Nazi League, animal liberation, and so on. This is because there is some prospect that joining one of these campaigns may be the first step for some people in becoming anarchists. An anarchist’s presence might help this process. Also, campaigns which bring important issues to public attention provide opportunities to show how particular evils relate to oppression in general and the need for revolution. In some cases it is worth urging anarchists to join such organisations in order to prevent domination by the more noxious political types. Sometimes it is actually possible to introduce anarchist methods of organising and direct action tactics.

For example, an anarchist involved in CND would try to point out the relationship between nuclear weapons, nuclear power, militarism, the State and class society. We would point out the futility of asking the State to behave nicely and would recommend instead asking the workers who build the bombs and the aircraft, and so on, to do something more useful instead. We would also do our best to prevent our old enemy the Labour Party from taming the anti-missile movement and then quietly burying it, as they did in the early sixties.

We would also try to spread more decentralised methods of organisation, based on small groups federating with each other. This would have the advantages of greater flexibility, giving each member more chance of being fully involved, and of preventing a ruling clique from developing.

Few anarchists would claim that a movement like CND is likely to bring about the revolution, or even to get anywhere near banning nuclear weapons. The best we can reasonably hope for is that it will cause increasing numbers of people to think about how this society really works.

Interpersonal Relationships

As we have said earlier, there is a concern for the rights of the individual running through anarchism. There is no point in all our activities and theorising if it is not eventually going to make life better for individuals like you and me.

Unlike marxists and other fake socialists, we believe in at least trying to live out our principles in everyday life. If you believe in equality you should treat people as equals as far as you can. An anarchist would be less likely to forgive Marx’s ill treatment of his servants and his wife than a marxist would!

The ways people treat each other add up to make society as a whole. In an insane society like this one, people treat each other badly.

Sadly, though, the hippies were wrong. It is not ‘all in your head’. Individual solutions like dropping acid and living in the country turn out to be not solutions at all, but simply escapism. Before the revolution it is not possible simply to choose to live as though you were free. Society will not let you.

Before the revolution it is up to us to behave as if we were reasonable human beings in a reasonable world as far as possible. It is difficult, but not impossible, with a little help from your friends, to grow to something more than the state of infantile dependence this society tries to keep us in.

The Authoritarian Family

A common myth, both in fascism and in everyday anti-humanism, is the ’sanctity’ of the family and the ‘holy’ institution of motherhood.

Many women today are fighting against being pushed into the role of mothers and nothing else, and against the everyday domination of women and children by men, which is what the family is really all about.

The reality of family life is quite different from the sentimental ideal. Wife battering, rape and child abuse are not accidental or isolated events – they are a result of conditioning in the family and by the media.

Until we have freedom and equality in our daily lives we will have no freedom or equality at all, nor will we want it sincerely.

You have only to look at the ‘master and slave’ content of any porn magazine to see that sexual repression leads to domination and submission. If power is more important than fulfilment in your sexual life, then it will be more important in the rest of your life also.

Support free love. If it’s not free, it’s not love.

Right wing people talk a great deal about sex and what they call ’sexual morality’ and ‘purity’. Even ‘racial purity’ is a largely sexual idea. It is based on fear of the sexuality of ‘inferior races’, feared because it threatens their own sexual control and power.

Racists ask: “Would you let your daughter marry one of them?”. Who are you to say what ‘your’ daughter should do with her own sex life anyway?

Anarchists generally do not hold with conventional marriage. They do not accept that it is any business of the church or the State what people do with their sexual relationships. True emotional security for both children and adults is less likely to be found in a legally enforceable and artificially ‘permanent’ tie between two people of either sex, than it is in a wider network of relationships that may or may not have a sexual component.

Many anarchists have seen living in communes as an important way in which to change society. But living in the same house as nine other people is not in itself the key to the ideal future. The important thing is to change our attitudes: to become more open and generous and less competitive and afraid of each other. The important thing is to have plenty of real friends rather than hiding in the family nest. We can do this as workmates and neighbours as well as home sharers.

Forming communes now, or trying to, is riddled with problems. Communes at the moment frequently fail either through isolation, or through squabbles within the group, or for a variety of other reasons. People brought up in this society do not easily develop more open, generous and honest relationships. Most anarchists settle for being just a little less isolationist than most. We just do the best we can, and realise there is no such thing as perfection in an oppressive society. There are no anarchist saints.

Changing Everyday Life

Unless we can help people, including ourselves, to become less dominated by fear, anxiety and insecurity, there is little point in expecting them to behave sensibly and to start building a free, creative society. Authoritarian ideas and unreasoning hatred of scapegoats such as blacks and homosexuals are part of a mass mental illness.

Fortunately, there are forces operating in the direction of greater mental health, and anarchists should do what they can to assist these forces and movements.

Of these, the clearest example is the radical psychotherapy movement. Broadly speaking, groups within this movement try to move away from the old idea of the expert psychiatrist who solves the ‘patient’s’ problems, towards an approach in which people, with assistance, help themselves. Unfortunately this has been taken over by the neurotic middle classes. Fees for encounter groups are too much for the likes of you and me, and encounter groups based around the problems of industrial management are hardly the way to a new society.

There are self-help therapy groups, though, which show some promise and may well catch on. The most successful seem to be those with a specific membership, such as depressives, or women’s groups, and so on. We are against people trying to adjust to impossible situations and want them to learn to assert and express themselves.

As much of the psychological mess the human race has got itself into revolves around the unjust relationships between the sexes, anarchists put a lot of hope in the development of the women’s movement. Not that all feminists are revolutionaries. The National Organisation of Women, for example, was delighted to allow women to person nuclear missile control rooms. Nevertheless, there is a strong anarchist strand to the women’s movement, in the emphasis on small leaderless groups, self-help and the importance of women coming to terms with each other’s feelings. Challenging male domination should logically lead on to challenging all domination.

The women’s movement also illustrates another promising development – the tendency to organise in small groups and collectives. Where these work well they provide much needed support and a sense of worth to the individuals involved. Other movements, such as parts of the gay movement, claimants unions, squatters, self-help health groups, and so on, are good for the same reason. This way of organising tends to help the development of sanity.

Anything that encourages people to take responsibility for themselves and examine their relationship with the rest of the world should be encouraged. Eventually we can hope that attitudes will change enough to allow people to have the confidence to take back power over their own lives.

LOCAL ACTION AND ORGANISATION

Direct action can be used to change the conditions of houses, streets, schools, hospitals, and other amenities. Such reforms have, in themselves, little to contribute towards building an anarchist society, but making people aware of the potential of direct action is important. At best such actions foster feelings of community spirit and promote self organisation. They raise political consciousness. At worst they lead to feelings of hopelessness and complete disillusionment with the human race. These feelings may drag you to political suicide. Such ‘has-beens’ are to be seen in many Labour Party gatherings.

What sort of actions are we talking about? Well if you’re short of a house, then consider squatting. It by-passes the authorities in charge of housing and challenges property relations. It effectively demonstrates the disgrace of empty houses side by side with homelessness. Unfortunately, popular prejudice hinders squatting from obtaining the wider support necessary for real change.

The community life of the street can be improved by festivals, street theatre, and so on. Of course this sort of thing can have its drawbacks too, unless you’re the sort of anarchist that’s into Lady Di and her mates!

Anarchists have participated in and often dreamt up all sorts of self-help schemes. These include making better use of land, labour swapping schemes, consumer product sharing schemes. Again these encourage independence and demonstrate that alternative forms of economic exchange are viable. Beware paid community workers wishing to professionalise the idea and destroy its real benefits by making it part of the system.

Another common area of anarchist activity is getting involved in local campaigns. These may be useful in developing organisation and awareness and can have the virtue of making people think about political issues. A campaign against the closure of a local hospital, for instance, raises questions about who controls the hospitals and for whose benefit? Unfortunately, people are often led astray by their illusions about ‘democracy’ and politicians, and wind up getting fobbed off or conned. This can result in disillusionment and apathy. The role of the anarchist is to try and make sure that it results instead in anger at the authorities and promotes direct action.

It is often difficult to find a balance between getting involved in immediate reforms (hence encouraging a false belief in the State as a benevolent force) and examining the long term implications of what you do. If you let your feelings run riot you will end up in reformism, desperate to remove the squalor you discover in society. This is understandable, but works against removing the roots of the squalor.

To improve the system is to strengthen it and thus in the long run increase human misery.

When local conditions become atrocious, riots break out. Chief Constable Oxford of Liverpool recently described local riots in Brixton, Liverpool, and so on, as “organised anarchy”. It seems unlikely, however, that they stemmed from anything but pure frustration. Sporadic rioting is not a particularly revolutionary activity in itself. If it had been organised, it would have been insurrection, which is a different story. How, then, do anarchists organise?

Individuals join small anarchist groups in order to co-ordinate their actions with others not to be told what to do. The entire group discusses a particular action, but only those in favour will perform it. This contrasts completely with trotskyist groups in which each individual member must follow the party line.

Disagreement on an important issue, or lack of shared action, simply means that a new grouping will come into being. In various parts of the country, groups have formed larger federations to co-ordinate the actions of these small groups (in a non-authoritarian way, of course).

This model of organisation has already become common in other strands of political activity, like women’s groups and some community groups. If anarchism grows, one would expect to see an increase in this way of organising.

Groups of people in a street, or perhaps at a particular workplace, can organise in this way to take the decisions that affect them. They can send delegates to larger meetings, taking this task in turn, instructing the delegate what to say, kicking him/her out if s/he gets power hungry. A utopian idea? It is already working now on a small scale (for example in the CND). What’s so difficult about it? All we need is a total revolution in everyday consciousness! In this way, a non-authoritarian system of organising all aspects of our lives from the cradle to the grave could emerge. It would be a federalist type of anarchist society.

Anarchists see it as vital to educate people for a new society. Some would go so far as to say that it is all we can reasonably do. To attempt a revolution as a tiny minority is just not on and with the best of intentions could lead only to a new slavery. A genuine revolution can only be made if the great majority of people want it and actively participate in creating the new world. Naturally, it would stand a much better chance if the people had first organised, prepared and thought about the issues and problems. This means that one of our top priorities is to spread our ideas as far as possible.

Preaching, however, is best avoided. We do not want mere followers. An even worse danger is that we may begin to hand out our ideas as a dogma. Finally, we do not want to talk at people, but with them.

This last point is important. It is probably the surest sign of the degenerate state of modern society that communications are becoming increasingly impersonal, standardised and one way. Millions of people watch the same TV programmes and read the same newspapers. As a result their own conversations are standardised. Communications have become a commodity to be consumed, ’sounds’ to be bought on plastic tapes. All modern communications media have two things in common: you have to pay for them, and there is no way of participating, you listen or watch, nothing else is required of you.

Our belief in freedom leads us to demand freedom of speech and freedom of the press. This may seem odd, as these were old nineteenth century liberal rallying cries. The liberals now seem fairly satisfied that we have these precious freedoms already.

What they mean, of course, is that they have these freedoms. Ordinary mortals, to say nothing of ‘dangerous extremists’ like ourselves, do not. We can say what we like (almost), but not on prime viewing time; we can write anything we like, but won’t be able to distribute it through W H Smith’s. Unless everyone has a reasonably good chance of actually being heard, then freedom of speech means nothing and they are quite happy to give it to us.

A recent Spanish coup attempt is said to have failed because the fascist officers had an old fashioned view of political power and seized the parliament building. Next time they will know better. They will seize the radio stations.

Journalists, print workers, writers, technicians and actors may have to play a vital part in the struggle for a new society. They have it in their power to tell the truth. The cruddy ‘product’ that they obediently continue to churn out ought to have shamed them all into resigning by now. Agitation within the communications industry, for workers’ control of content, is a matter of urgency.

Because communications are so tightly controlled by a very small clique who know very well the importance of their power, we are hardly likely to stand much chance of getting our views known through the existing set up. We need to find some other way of spreading our ideas until such time as the people get around to seizing control.

We have been forced out on to the fringes of society. We. are obliged to create our own media in order to express ourselves. Naturally, it is all on a small scale and we reach only a few people with each leaflet, magazine or whatever. We can only hope that all the little things we do will add up. After all, a thousand leaflets are not wasted if they convince one new anarchist.

Spreading the word is important, and an impressive range of different approaches have been tried at one time or another. Here we list some of the things anarchists do or can do to get their ideas across.

THE PRINTED WORD — The anarchist movement has produced a constant stream of articles, newspapers, magazines, books and leaflets throughout its history. Some reached impressive numbers. Many were read only by a few and are now forever forgotten.

The effort has not been completely wasted. We always need more and better-written anarchist material. People who are ready for ideas must be given as many chances as possible to find them.

Leaflets, often quickly run off on a duplicator for a special event, are the simplest and cheapest possibility. Wording should be simple and to the point. Good graphics, including photographs, can be done on an electric stencil at a slightly higher cost.

Cheap pamphlets on particular topics are best whipped out of the pocket at an appropriate point in a conversation. This one, for instance, is designed for those who insist on trotting out the old hoary objections to anarchism such as “what about murderers?” (see Some common arguments against anarchism above.)

Magazines and newspapers fall into two categories: those aimed at, or of interest only to, other anarchists, arid those aimed at reaching the uncommitted multitude. We seem to have plenty of magazines for anarchists but a shortage of agitational ones. There are a few, good, local anarchist papers: in addition many anarchists work on ‘community’ papers dealing with local issues.

Book publishing and distribution is also an important part of the movement. Order anarchist books at your local library. There are also plenty of anarchist books yet to be written. We need more works of anarchist theory, more analyses of present society and strategy for change. There is also scope in fiction or poetry. Writing a book is not as daunting as it might first seem. Many of the people who do write books are complete idiots.

STREET THEATRE — This method of communicating is perhaps not used enough by anarchists. Writing and rehearsing plays can be a useful practice in getting a group working together. The proper legal approach is to apply for planning permission (be sure to have a harmless sounding name). On the other hand, the ‘Santa Claus Army’ who invaded the toy departments of Amsterdam stores and gave away toys to the kids were also indulging in street theatre, though of a less legal kind. Some kind of semi-theatrical event to make people think is a good alternative to the usual boring old demo.

PUBLIC MEETINGS — At one time anarchist meetings drew crowds of thirty or forty thousand. Public meetings have declined as mass entertainment has developed. Fifty is a pretty good number these days. Choose a theme, sort out speakers, book a hall and advertise it well. It may be a lot of effort, but it does sometimes produce new members, or at least some interest. People will take you more seriously.

ALTERNATIVE MEDIA — This vague title is meant to cover unorthodox means of communication from badges or spray painting to video. Small messages to the mass consciousness can be written on toilet walls or sprayed in six-foot letters down the sides of motorways. Video is cheap(ish) and everybody by now must know of some way of borrowing or hiring cameras. Anarchists have run successful pirate radio stations and there is no need to rule out dance or mime or a thousand other possible ways of getting a message across. Use your imagination.

Although we are kept out of the mass communications market, we can still find ways of reaching out with our ideas. The struggle to make means of expression available to the people at large is one of the most vital parts of the struggle for freedom. By imaginatively pioneering new means of communication that are easily available, we are not only spreading our views but helping others to express themselves. Finally, the way in which an idea is communicated may be at least as important as the idea itself. If it allows or encourages participation so that people can stop being merely an ‘audience’ and start expressing themselves, it is a direct challenge to the system of power which needs us docile.

MUSIC — Rebellious or revolutionary music has a much longer history than the fashion-conscious youth of today, or even the ageing hippies of yesterday, may realise. Believe it or not many operas turn around essentially revolutionary themes! In the eighteen-thirties, possession of a musical instrument was illegal for the lower orders. This was because wandering musicians were becoming alarmingly successful at stirring up discontent.

Many anarchists choose to get involved in music as a way of communicating with people. It is a useful sort of activity for anarchists to do, and of course it can be fun. Sadly, much current anarchist music is neither anarchist nor music, but some of it is good and some very good. It’s all a matter of personal taste anyway.

Music has the power to appeal to emotions directly. It is possible to communicate in a more basic way. It is also possible to use it to hypnotise and manipulate people, something which we would hope to avoid doing.

Again, what we need to do is make music available to people, encourage them to have a go and bring out their creativity. Some anarchists feel that for this reason, high technology expensive electric music should be avoided. On the other hand, the possibilities of home taping and easily produced cassettes are quite exciting.

We need to create new ways of making and sharing music that by-pass the music industry. Let them howl about loss of copyright when their tapes are illegally copied. They’ve had things their own way too long.

ART — Paintings in galleries have been described as ‘museum art’. What is meant by this is that they are objects to be admired and bought and sold. They separate art from life and from people at large. Art as a saleable item is the best that this system can offer. Art as an activity it could neither understand nor allow.

There is a crying need to release the creative abilities of ‘ordinary’ people. This we can at least attempt to do when talking to people. We can find ways to work for the movement and enjoy ourselves at the same time. By using our own creativity, we can hope to reach the hidden parts of people that other ideas cannot reach.

Spreading the word, or ‘propaganda’, has to be a major part of any anarchist strategy. Above all else an anarchist revolution requires that people know what they are doing and why. Nobody can be forced into freedom: it must be chosen and taken, or it is not really freedom. Our task is harder than that of the door-to-door Jehovah’s Witnesses. It is not enough for us to tell people what to think — they must think for themselves, or they are not really anarchists.

SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION

Although we distrust schools, anarchists place great faith in the power of education. One of the major sources of hope for a better world is that the next generation, given help, might grow up less neurotic than the last. Some would go so far as to say that educating children for freedom is the only real hope of eventually bringing about an anarchist society.

Schools are mainly concerned with sorting and grading children for their future roles in the social hierarchy — and ensuring that they accept the need for competition, hierarchy and respect for authority. Such a system demands that the majority of children – and adults – are made to feel inferior. Anarchists believe that academic examinations are a meaningless measure of a person’s potential for playing a useful role in society. The cult of the professional expert is designed to shatter our confidence in our own abilities and judgement.

Anarchists are opposed to corporal punishment or any form of compulsion in education. Attendance at all classes should be voluntary. Compulsion destroys the natural enthusiasm for knowledge and understanding. Real education is the opposite of compulsory schooling, where the main lessons are fear and respect for authority. We need to equip our children with critical minds to understand the world, to see what changes are necessary to make it a better place for everyone, and to be able to bring about the necessary changes.

Anarchists are opposed to any religious indoctrination in schools. Fear and superstition have no place in an ethical education. Religious ‘education’ should be abolished and replaced by the discussion of moral and philosophical questions based on concern and respect for others.

It is crazy to think that education merely consists of spending eleven years or so of our lives in schools cut off from the real world outside. It would be much healthier for our education to be integrated with the everyday work and life of society. In this way everyone’s particular skills would be properly recognised by society and used for the education of others. We need to break down the divisions between work, play and education. Education should be available throughout our lives, rather than being arbitrarily confined to that part of our lives spent in schools. We are all potential learners and teachers, passing on and acquiring skills and understanding as we go through life.

Anarchists are generally agreed that the complete liberation of education is dependent on the creation of an anarchist society. However, this has not stopped anarchists from trying to create freer environments for children to grow and learn, here and now. Some anarchists have educated their children at home. Others have worked together with other parents and children rather than remain in isolated family units. In the last three decades several free schools have been established based on anarchist principles, and they have performed a valuable service in demonstrating in practical ways that alternatives exist. However, they have faced constant financial problems and all the other problems which come from trying to live freely in an unfree society.

Some anarchists, and others who share their views on education, have concluded that for the foreseeable future most children will be in State schools and, therefore, have tried to change existing State schools as teachers or parents.

Although by the nineteen-sixties the educational establishment had accepted libertarian methods at A S Neill’s Summerhill School for the fee-paying children of wealthy parents, they were horrified at the prospect of similar methods being adopted in State schools for working class children. The most successful attempts, those at Risinghill School and William Tyndale School in London, were eventually stopped by the local education authority and the teachers were thrown out of their jobs.

The lesson for those who try again in the future is that it is essential to break down the isolation of schools from the community, so that parents will understand and actively support what anarchists are trying to do in schools.

CONCLUSION

For more detailed consideration of anarchist theory, we have provided a booklist for further reading. We have listed areas of activity and outlined the anarchist approach. We have made no attempt to indicate which types of activity are most likely to lead to a non-authoritarian future. This kind of judgement requires careful consideration of the nature of society and strategy for change. We hope that you will eventually form your own conclusions. Anarchists make up their own minds.

If you are interested, read more, talk to your local anarchists, think things through. There is a lot to be getting on with.

Can you think of a good excuse for not being an anarchist? Right, then get on with it!

FURTHER READING

This booklist is reproduced from the original pamphlet. Some books may now be available in new editions by other publishers.

Introductions to Anarchism

ABC OF ANARCHISM, Alexander Berkman, Freedom Press.

ANARCHISM AND ANARCHIST-COMMUNISM, Peter Kropotkin, Freedom Press.

ANARCHIST READER, THE, George Woodcock, Fontana.

ANARCHY, Malatesta, Freedom Press.

ANARCHY IN ACTION, Colin Ward, Freedom Press.

FLOODGATES OF ANARCHY, Stuart Christie and Albert Meltzer, Kahn & Averill.

Classics of Anarchism

Bakunin:

CRITIQUE OF STATE SOCIALISM, A, B Books.(comic strip version)

GOD AND THE STATE, B Books.

PARIS COMMUNE AND THE IDEA OF THE STATE, THE, B Books.

Godwin:

ANARCHIST WRITINGS OF WILLIAM GODWIN, Freedom Press.

ENQUIRY CONCERNING POLITICAL JUSTICE, AN, Penguin.

Kropotkin:

CONQUEST OF BREAD, THE, Elephant Editions.

FIELDS, FACTORIES AND WORKSHOPS TOMORROW, Freedom Press.

GREAT FRENCH REVOLUTION, THE, VOLS I & 2, Elephant Editions.

MUTUAL AID, Freedom Press.

STATE, THE, Freedom Press.

See also books by Proudhon, Malatesta, Goldman and Berkman.

Anarchist ‘-isms’

Anarcha-feminism:

QUIET RUMOURS, various authors, Dark Star/Rebel Press.

UNTYING THE KNOT, Freeman and Levine, Dark Star/Rebel Press.

WOMEN IN THE SPANISH REVOLUTION, Solidarity.

Anarcho-syndicalism:

ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM, Rudolf Rocker, Phoenix Press.

Anti-militarism/self-defence:

PROTEST WITHOUT ILLUSIONS, Vernon Richards, Freedom Press.

STRANGE VICTORIES, Elephant Editions.

TOWARDS A CITIZENS’ MILITIA, Cienfuegos Press.

Federalism:

KROPOTKIN’S FEDERALIST IDEAS, B Books.

Individualism:

EGO AND ITS OWN, THE, Max Stirner, Rebel Press.

Mutualism:

See the writings of P-J Proudhon

Situationism:

AND YET IT MOVES, Boy Igor, Zamisdat (critique of science.)

BOOK OF PLEASURES, Raoul Vaneigem, Pending Press.

ON THE POVERTY OF STUDENT LIFE, Rebel Press.

PARIS: MAY ‘68, Dark Star/Rebel Press.

REVOLUTION OF EVERYDAY LIFE, Raoul Vaneigem, to be reprinted in 1988.

SOCIETY OF THE SPECTACLE, THE, Guy Debord.

See also the Spectacular Times pocketbooks.

Anarchist Issues

Animal Liberation:

AGAINST ALL ODDS, Arc Print.

KILL OR CURE?, Arc Print.

UP AGAINST THE LAW, Arc Print.

Ecology:

POST-SCARCITY ANARCHISM, Murray Bookchin

EARTH FIRST READER, THE, ed. Dave Foreman

Education:

LIB ED, quarterly magazine.

SUMMERHILL, AS Neill, Pelican.

Housing:

HOUSING: AN ANARCHIST APPROACH, Colin Ward, Freedom Press.

IDEAL HOME, Hooligan Press.

SQUATTING IN WEST BERLIN, Hooligan Press.

Abuses of the Media:

MANUFACTURING CONSENT, Noam Chomsky

Riots/insurrection:

FROM RIOTS TO INSURRECTION, Alfredo M Bonnano, Elephant Editions.

LIKE A SUMMER WITH A THOUSAND JULYS, BM Blob.

Anarchist History

Britain:

SLOW BURNING FUSE, THE, John Quail, Paladin Books (Granada.)

Russian Revolution:

GUILLOTINE AT WORK, Maximoff, Cienfuegos Press.

INTRO TO MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA, Emma Goldman, Phoenix Press.

RUSSIAN TRAGEDY, THE, Alexander Berkman, Phoenix Press.

Spanish Revolution:

BARCELONA MAY DAYS 1937, various authors, Freedom Press.

COLLECTIVES IN THE SPANISH REVOLUTION, Gaston Leval, Freedom Press.

LESSONS OF THE SPANISH REVOLUTION, Vernon Richards, Freedom Press.

Revolutionaries/Rebels:

ANARCHISM AND VIOLENCE, Osvaldo Bayer, Elephant Editions (about Severino de Giovanni.)

ANGRY BRIGADE 1967-84, THE, Elephant Editions.

BONNOT GANG, THE, Richard Parry, Rebel Press.

BLACK FLAG, THE, Jackson, RKP,(about Sacco and Vanzetti.)

HAYMARKET SPEECHES, THE, Voltairine de Cleyre, Cienfuegos Press.(as above)

MALATESTA: HIS LIFE AND IDEAS, Vernon Richards, Freedom Press.

RED VIRGIN, THE, University of Alabama Press (memoirs of Louise Michel)

SABATE: GUERILLA EXTRAORDINARY, Tellez, Elephant Editions.

Anarchist Fiction

FREE, THE, M Gilliland, Hooligan Press.

FROM BENEATH THE KEYBOARD, Hooligan Press (short stories/poetry.)

See also writings of the mysterious B Traven (author of THE TREASURE OF THE SIERRA MADRE.)

Anarchist Fiction : Sci-Fi

DISPOSSESSED, THE, Ursula K leGuin, Granada.

ILLUMINATUS TRILOGY, THE, Robert Shea and Robert Anton Wilson, Sphere.

See also other libertarian influenced SF writers, e.g. Michael Moorcock, Doris Lessing, Marge Piercy and Kate Wilhelm.

Dyma Class War – Class War (UK)

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Mae’r ffederasiwn Class War yn drefniadaeth o grWpiau ac unigolion sydd wedi dod at eu gilydd I newid y cymdeithas yr ydym yn byw, ac I wella sefyllfa y dosbarth gweithiol.

Mae ein cymdeithas wedi’i rannu i ddosbarthiadau sydd wedi’u sefydlu ar rheoliad sefydliadau ac eu cyfoeth. Y Dosbarth Rheoli-y rhai sy’n “pua’r” fatrïoedd neu nwyddau crai, naill drwy cyfranddaliadau neu trwy bod yn gadeirydd a.y.b; pwy sydd dan amodau cyffredinol yn cael eu cefnogi gan y Dosbarthiadau Canol- y rhai sy’n ennill eu safle yn y gymdeithas drwy nawdd y Dosbarth Rheoli- sy’n gwneud eu gwaith budr o reoli a threfnu y Dosbarth Gweithiol sy’n gwneud y gwaith hanfodol. Mae bron pob problem sy’n cael eu dioddef gan y Dosbarth Gweithiol yn tarddu o gymdeithas tebyg. Am fod y Dosbarth Rheoli yn cael pob bwriad i gadw eu safle breintiedig mae angen iddi chael ei ddinistrio- dyma Class War.
Gall newid go iawn ond cael ei gyflawni gyda pobl Dosbarth Gweithiol yn trefnu eu hun i ddelio gyda’r problemau maent yn profi ac i ddarparu am eu hun. Nid yw am ddod yn cael eu trin yn well fel gaethweision ond rheolwyr ffawd ein hun. Mae gweithred uniongyrchol yn hanfodol yn erbyn yr unigolion â’r sefydliadau sy’n sefyll yn eu ffordd. Nid oes dewis arall. Mae trais yn rhan hanfodol o’r rhyfel rhyngddosbarthiadol: nid fel terfysgwyr, ond ar rhan y dosbarth- nhw ddechreuodd e, felly dylwn ni ei ddiweddu!

Mae cymdeithas dosbarthiadol yn creu camddefnyddiadau ar sail rhagfarniadau’r dosbarthiadau Rheoli neu Canol fel rhyw, rhywioldeb, cefndir ethnig, anabledd a.y.b. Mae’r Dosbarth Rheoli yn aml yn defnyddio’r rhain i wahanu ein dosbarth. Dylwn unio ar sail beth sydd gennym yn gyffredinol- ein cefndir ac anghenion Dosbarth Gweithiol.

Dylai’r dosbarth ymladd y rhaniadau yma ar bob ffrynt. Uwch pob arall, mae’r CWF yn credu ni all gwleidyddiaeth cael ei rannu o fywyd- neu bywyd o wleidyddiaeth. Rydym yn gwrthod y chwith “chwyldroadol” sanctaidd/ cyfiawn. Dylai’n gwleidyddiaeth fod yn brwdfrydol ac yn berthnasol I’n bydwydau pob dydd.

Dylai pobl Dosbarth Gweithiol cymryd cyfrifoldeb am eu gwleidyddiaeth cynyddol chwyldroadol. Mae’r eithafolwyr Dosbarth Canol wedi bod dinistrio ein symudiad am mor hir ydy’r Dosbarth Gweithiol wedi bodoli.

Ein Aneliad

Felly aneliad y CWF yw i gynyddu’r milwriaetholdeb a hunan ymwybyddiaeth y Dosbarth Gweithiol i amddiffyn eu diddordebau ac I ddatrys eu problemau. Rydym yn gwneud hyn drwy bropoganda, cyfranogiad bywiog a dadlau cydraddol.

classwaruk.org

Y Byd yn Eich Dwylo – Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd (UK)

Filed under: Uncategorized — anarchol @ 4:55 pm

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Rhagarweiniad

Nid yw’r byd yr ydym yn byw ynddo yn gwneud unrhyw synnwyr. Mae miliynau yn newynu yn y Trydydd Byd tra bod y Gymuned Economaidd yn pentyrru bwyd na ellir ei werthu. Mae arweinwyr y byd chwithau hefyd yn defnyddio trais er mwyn sicrhau heddwch. Mae cenhedloedd bychan yn ymladd â’u cymdogion dros ddarnau o dir. Mae Llywodraethau yn rhoi blaenoriaeth i enillion tymor byr ar draul parhad adnoddau’r blaned. Mae’r rhelyw o’r byd yn llafurio am fodolaeth foel iawn tra bod lleiafrif bychan yn byw mewn ysblander aruthrol. Gorthrymir y tlawd ym mhob cornel o’r byd ac mae menywod a phobl dduon yn wynebu gormes a chaledi ychwanegol.

Yn wyneb y gwallgofrwydd o’r math yma mae’r Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd yn cymeradwyo byd o fath cwbl wahanol. Yn hytrach nag ysbail, rhaid dadlau dros gydweithrediad. Rhaid disodli angen artiffisial gan osod digonedd cyffredinol yn ei le. Mae angen byw mewn cytgord â’r blaned nid yn ei herbyn. Mae’n rhaid ysgubo ymaith y gyfundrefn lywodraethol ac ymelwol a gymerir yn ganiataol i raddau helaeth. Mae byd gwell yn bosib. Mae’r pamffledyn yma yn amlinellu sut y buasai dewis Comiwnistaidd Anarchaidd, yn hytrach na bod yn freuddwyd Iwtopaidd, yn wir yn cynnig yr ateb gorau posib, ateb call a rhesymegol i broblemau’r byd.

1. CYFUNDREFN BWDR

Yr ydym yn byw mewn byd cyfoethog a llewyrchus. Wrth feddwl am dlodi’r byd, mae’n anodd credu fod yna ddigon a mwy ar gael i bawb. Mae’n fater o ffaith y cynhyrchir tair gwaith cymaint o fyd ag sy eisiau. Eto, tra bo rhai pobl yn mynd heb, mae eraill yn gallu fforddio gwario miliynau ar bartïon a gwleddoedd i’w ffrindiau sy llawn cyn gyfoethoced. Mae’n gwbl amlwg i bawb ein bod yn byw mewn byd lle bo dosbarth cymdeithasol yn treiddio trwy bob agwedd o gymdeithas. Ond beth ydy’n ni’n ei feddwl wrth ddosbarth? Ar y lefel sylfaenol, mae dau ddosbarth: y rhai sy naill berchen neu yn chwarae rhan allweddol wrth reoli cyfoeth y byd a’i adnoddau, dosbarth y penaethiaid cyfalafol a’r rhai sy naill yn gorfod gweithio neu hawlio budd-daliadau er mwyn goroesi, y dosbarth llafur.

Rhan sylfaenol ac annatod o’r gyfundrefn ddosbarth sy’n effeithio bywydau pob unigolyn yn y byd yw’r gyfundrefn economaidd. “Cyfalafiaeth” y gelwir y gyfundrefn ac er iddi newid ei ffurf o bryd i’w gilydd, hon sydd wedi datblygu fel y grym trechaf dros y ddwy ganrif ddiwethaf. Gan ei bod mor hyblyg, yn addasu’n hawdd, ac mor hollgynhwysfawr a llygredig, ystyrir cyfalafiaeth gan bron pawb fel ffenomenon hollol naturiol ac anochel. Nid felly y mae.

Er mai cyfundrefn o ymelwad byd-eang a banditiaeth gyda chwmnïau aml-genedlaethol yn gweithredu ymhobman yw cyfalafiaeth, eithaf syml yw ei sylfaen. Yn ei hanfod, creir cyfoeth gan bobl sy’n defnyddio offer i addasu’r deunydd crai y mae natur yn ei ddarparu. Er mwyn goroesi, gorfodir gweithwyr i werthu eu llafur (”caethweisiaeth y cyflog”) am bris y farchnad. Yn eu gwaith, mae gweithwyr yn gwneud nwyddau sy’n rhan o fywyd beunyddiol a darparu gwasanaethau. Serch hynny, mae’r hyn a gaiff gweithwyr mewn tâl yn llai na gwerth y cynnyrch a’r gwasanaethau y maent yn eu creu a’u darparu.

Y gwahaniaeth yn y gwerth rhwng yr hyn y mae gweithwyr yn cynhyrchu a’r hyn y maent yn eu hennill yw sail yr elw aiff at y cyfalafwr. Yn y modd yma, lladratir eu cyfran o adnoddau’r ddaear a gwerth eu gwaith wrth weithwyr ymhobman. Yn yr ystyr yma, delir mantais arnynt. Trwy ymgrynhoi gwerth llafur miliynau o weithwyr, mae cyfalafwyr yn cynyddu eu cyfoeth a’u grym.

Cyfundrefn o gystadlu didrugaredd sy’n ansefydlog iawn yw cyfalafiaeth. Mae hyn yn arwain at argyfyngau economaidd lle y gall cyfalafwyr ond goroesi ar draul y gweithwyr. Pan fo elw yn disgyn, mae gweithwyr yn colli eu gwaith, gan greu’r diweithdra torfol sy’n un o nodweddion safonol bywyd heddiw.

Mae cyfalafiaeth yn cynhyrchu nwyddau er mwyn gwneud elw yn hytrach na chwrdd ag angen. Felly, yn hytrach na chynhyrchu ystod bychan o nwyddau defnyddiol, mae cwmnïau o hyd yn ceisio ehangu ar amrediad y nwyddau sydd ganddynt i’w cynnig. Felly, mewn archfarchnadoedd, mi ddown i o hyd i ddysenni o wahanol fathau o ddiaroglyddion, bastau dannedd a phowdrau golchi. Mae archfarchnadoedd fel Tesco, Sainsbury ac Asda yn gwerthu mwy neu lai yr un nwyddau, ond yr un yw eu cymhelliad: annog y cwsmer i brynu eu nwyddau nhw. Yn lle anelu eu consýrn at ddarparu’r hyn sy’n sicrhau ein goroesiad, eu hunig ddiddordeb yw gwneud elw. Nid yw’r ffaith fod pobl yn newynu yn cyfrif, mae’n rhaid i bobl gael arian ac mi fuasai’n well gan wneuthurwyr elw adael i’r bwyd bydru na’i roi i’r newynog a’r tlawd.

Mae hyn yn gynyddol ddigywilydd pan fo’r mynyddoedd enfawr o gig eidion, menyn a grawn, sy wedi eu cronni gan wledydd y GE, yn bodoli ochr yn ochr â newyn arswydus mewn rhannau helaeth o’r Affrig. Yn y cyd-destun yma, mae holl ymdrechion y digwyddiadau cerddorol elusennol bron yn gwbl ddibwrpas. Canlyniad prinderau dan orfodaeth yw creu’r mynyddoedd bwyd sydd, yn y farchnad yn golygu prisiau uchel ac elw. Mae’n well gan fiwrocratiaid y GE gael gwared ar y bwyd trwy ei ddympio yn y môr na bygwth proffidioldeb. Mae hyn yn digwydd ar draws y byd.

Wrth chwilio am elw, mae cyfalafiaeth wedi symud i mewn i oes prynwraeth.. Fe’n hanogir gan rwydwaith cyfryngol cymhleth i brynu, brynu, brynu. Nid yw hyd yn oed plant yn ddiogel rhag yr hysbysebwyr sy’n gwthio’u hunain i mewn i’n tai yn gyson trwy gyfrwng y teledu ac yn gorchuddio pob lle gwag gyda byrddau poster, sloganau ac arwyddion siopau. Gyda chymorth adnoddau technolegol anferth, mae cyfalafiaeth yn datblygu cynhyrchion bythol newydd sy’n disodli’r rhai blaenorol. Ystyriwch sut y mae technoleg camerâu wedi newid dros y blynyddoedd. Mae rhyfeddod technolegol y llynedd bellach wedi darfod â bod. Mae’n rhaid i chi brynu’r diweddara a’r gorau.

Nid yw’r fath brynwriaeth yn gyfyngedig i’r gwledydd gorllewinol hynny sydd ar y brig. Mae hyd yn oed y dinasoedd tlotaf yn yr Affrig yn frith o hysbysebion sy’n annog pobl i brynu cynhyrchion sy’n ddiwerth neu’n beryglus. Serch hynny, dosbarth llafur y Trydydd Byd sy’n dioddef mwyaf o gyfalafiaeth ryngwladol, tra bod y dosbarth llywodraethol lleol yn bachu eu cyfran o’r cyfoeth.Ysbeilir eu hadnoddau – edrychwch ar anrhaith y fforestydd glaw – , a gorfodir y gweithwyr i dderbyn safon byw sy braidd yn ddigon i gadw dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Mae rhannau helaeth o’r Affrig yn methu darparu digon o fwyd i’w poblogaeth, ond eto maent yn tyfu cynnyrch i’w allforio. Mae De-ddwyrain Asia wedi’i droi’n gyfuniad o buteindy a slafdy. I bob diben, mae cyfalafiaeth yn treiddio trwy bob agwedd o fywyd. Coca Cola a hambyrgers Macdonalds yw gwir symbolau ‘trefn newydd y byd’.

2. CYFUNDREFN BWDR

O ganlyniad i fyw dan y fath gyfundrefn, mae llawer o weithwyr yn ddigon naturiol yn anfodlon ar eu byd, rhai yn fwy na’i gilydd. Er mwyn cynnal trefn a heddwch mewn cymdeithas, mae amrediad cyfan o ddulliau wedi eu datblygu er mwyn cadw pobl mewn trefn. Yr un mwyaf nerthol o’r rhain yw’r wladwriaeth, trwy gyfrwng y technegau cadw trefn gymdeithasol sy’n bodoli ar bob lefel o gymdeithas.

Mae’r wladwriaeth yn gweithredu law yn llaw â chyfalafiaeth wrth iddi rannu nifer o ddiddordebau cyffredin. Mae cyfalafiaeth yn rhoi cyfundrefn economaidd i’r wladwriaeth ac mae yn ei hariannu trwy ddatblygu adnoddau. Mae’r wladwriaeth yn ei thro yn darparu cyfundrefn cadw trefn sy’n caniatáu cyfalafiaeth i weithredu ei busnes yn effeithiol. Mewn gwledydd fel Tsheina, Ciwba, Gogledd Korea, ag ati, fe’u cyfunir dan ambarél un gyfundrefn, efallai’r disgrifiad gorau ohoni fuasai ‘cyfalafiaeth y wladwriaeth’.

Cyfundrefn o ryferthwy yn bennaf yw’r wladwriaeth er lles cynnal tra-arglwyddiaeth y dosbarth llywodraethol. Ond y ffordd orau o gynnal trefn yw trwy gytundeb y bobl yn hytrach na grym noeth. O ganlyniad, mae yna agweddau o wladwriaeth fodern sydd â’u bryd ar ein cymell i feddwl ar hyd ffyrdd arbennig ac ymddwyn fel dinasyddion ufudd. Mae’n ymddangos hefyd fod yna wyneb teyrngar tirion i’r wladwriaeth gan ei bod hi’n darparu buddion nawdd sydd i fod i helpu’r tlawd, y claf a’r henoed.

Trwy gyfrwng llywodraethau yn gweithredu o fewn y gyfundrefn seneddol a’r gwasanaeth sifil, mae’r wladwriaeth yn rheoli ei gweithrediadau. Mae’r lluoedd arfog, MI5, MI6, yr heddlu, y llysoedd a’r carchardai yn gweithredu i’n rheoli yn gorfforol. Maent yn asiantau milain sy’n cosbi’n llym os wnawn ni amau eu ‘hawl’ i arglwyddiaethu drosom. Beth bynnag, nid yw’r wladwriaeth na’i lluoedd gormesol yn ddi-ochr ac maent yn weithredol dros wrthwynebu ymgyrch y bobl dros ryddhad.

Er ei bod hi’n ymddangos fod y wladwriaeth les, y gyfundrefn ysgolion, gweithwyr cymdeithasol ag ati yn edrych ar ôl ein buddiannau, mewn gwirionedd dim ond dulliau gwahanol, mwy cyfrwys o’n rheoli ydynt ond maent wedi dod yn elfennau hanfodol am resymau economaidd.

Mae’r gwasanaeth iechyd yn bodoli yn bennaf er mwyn cynnal gweithlu iach ond dim ond cyn belled â bod angen gweithwyr iach ar y gyfundrefn er mwyn hyrwyddo ei gweithrediad. Mae camddefnyddio alcohol a sigarèts, ill dau, wrth wraidd llawer iawn o salwch difrifol ond maent yn darparu symiau mawr o arian i’r wladwriaeth mewn trethi. Ac nid oes neb wedi cynnal unrhyw ymgais o ddifri i danseilio proffidioldeb y ddau ddiwydiant yma. Daw elw o flaen iechyd.

Yn yr un modd, mae’r gyfundrefn addysg, ac yn fwy amlwg agored o dipyn, wedi ei threfnu o gwmpas yr angen am weithlu sy’n gallu ysgrifennu, darllen a gwneud mathemateg sylfaenol, tra ar yr un pryd, sy wedi ei drwytho i dderbyn gorchmynion yn ufudd a derbyn rheolaeth oddi uchod. Mae athrawon yn llenwi meddyliau’r ifanc â syniadau sy’n dderbyniol i’r dosbarth llywodraethol.

Atgyfnerthir y syniadau yma gan y cyfryngau torfol, radio, y diwydiant ffilmiau, papurau newydd a chylchgronau. Rhyngddynt maent yn creu corff o syniadau a adwaenir fel ’synnwyr cyffredin’. Synnwyr cyffredin yw cyfundrefn gwerth poblogeiddiedig y dosbarth llywodraethol hynny sy’n wrthwynebus i bobl dosbarth llafur. Felly hefyd y mae cenedlaetholdeb, crefydd, gwladgarwch, hiliaeth a rhywiaeth sy mewn gwirionedd yn gwanhau cydgefnogaeth y dosbarth llafur, yn gyffredin o fewn y dosbarth llafur.

Mae pob un o’r ffactorau yma yn cyfrannu at y gamargraff fod yna ryddid, cyfiawnder cydraddoldeb a democratiaeth, ond mewn gwirionedd cael eu cryfhau mae gafael cyfalafiaeth a’r wladwriaeth. Cymerwch “ddemocratiaeth” fel esiampl. Pa bynnag blaid sy’n ennill etholiad cyffredinol, fawr ddim mae’n effeithio ar gyfalafiaeth a’r wladwriaeth. Mae dal mantais ar y dosbarth llafur yn parhau ac mae’r cyfoethog a’r pwerus yn dal i ddal eu gafael ar eu breintiau.. Gan mai’r blaid Dorïaidd sy fwyaf ei hymrwymiad yn y gyfundrefn tra-arglwyddiaethol, honno sy yn y safle orau i ennill etholiadau. Mae’r blaid Lafur, hyd yn oed pan gaiff y cyfle i lywodraethu, yn ymddwyn fel yr asiant bach di-asgwrn cefn i gyfalafiaeth ag yw hi.

Y tu allan i gyfundrefn y wladwriaeth, mae yna sefydliadau sy’n honni eu bod yn cynrychioli buddiannau’r dosbarth llafur tra eu bod mewn gwirionedd yn helpu cynnal cyfundrefn sy’n seiliedig ar ormes ac ymelwad. Mae’r undebau llafur yn esiamplau o’r fath sefydliadau. Yn gyntaf, maent yn tanseilio unrhyw ymdeimlad o bwrpas o fewn diwydiant ac mewn gweithleoedd unigol trwy rannu gweithwyr yn ôl lefel eu sgiliau. Mae hyn yn bytholi’r gwahaniaethu o ran incwm a statws o fewn y dosbarth llafur ac yn creu ‘pendefigaeth llafur’. Yn ail, mae’r undebau yn aml wedi eu trefnu bob yn ddiwydiant ac wrth wneud hyn yn rhannu ymrafael yn adrannau. Pa mor aml y mae streiciau wedi torri allan mewn diwydiannau gwahanol ond iddynt gael eu trechu fesul un?

Mae Undebau Llafur chwithau hefyd yn sefydliadau biwrocrataidd sydd â buddiannau breintiedig ar wahân i’r gweithwyr maent yn honni i’w harwain. Mae aelodau undebau eisiau ennill streiciau; mae penaethiaid undebau eisiau cadw eu dulliau byw cysurus. Pan fo gwrthdaro rhyngddynt, y gweithwyr sy’n cael eu bradychu.. Mae ymrwymiad dwfn gan fiwrocratiaethau yr Undebau mewn cyfalafiaeth oherwydd eu buddsoddiadau, eiddo y maent eu perchen, ag yn y blaen.

Mae’r holl broses o drafodaethau rhwng undebau a rheolaeth (a adwaenir fel cydfargeinio) ar y gorau ond yn llwyddo i sicrhau rhai buddion ychwanegol i’r gweithwyr tra’n cadw’r holl gyfundrefn o gam ddefnyddio yn ddigyfnewid.

Ar lefel wahanol, mae’r teulu yn arf pwysig iawn yn nwylo y rheolwyr. Mae plant yn aml yn dysgu syniadau am oruchafiaeth yr hil ddynol, hiliaeth, gwladgarwch a’r angen am dra-arglwyddiaethu ac ufudd-dod wrth eu rhieni (fel y gwnaethant hwy o’u rhieni eu hunain). Mae’r ffyrdd y mae pobl yn cydberthnasu i’w gilydd yn aml yn atgyfnerthu gormesau personol ac mae angen eu herio.

3. NEWID HYN OLL

Wedi darllen cyhyd, mi allech fod yn tybio beth o bosib y gellid ei wneud i ddymchwel y sustemau rheoli ac ymelwol sy’n tra-arglwyddiaethau dros bob agwedd o’n bywydau. All newid fod yn bosib mewn gwirionedd? Yr ateb yw gall! Mae’r wladwriaeth ynghyd â sefydliadau gormesol eraill yn bodoli yn bennaf am fod newid yn bosib. Mae’r gyfundrefn gyfalafol yn bodoli mewn cyflwr o argyfwng parhaol. I raddau, mae’r broses barhaol o ffyniant a dirwasgiad yn rhan o’r modd y mae cyfalafiaeth yn gweithio yn ei helpu trwy sicrhau mai ond y cryf fydd yn goroesi. Ar y llaw arall mae’n golygu ansefydlogrwydd parhaus a’r posibilrwydd cynyddol posib o wrthrefyloedd gan weithwyr wrth i gyfalafiaeth fethu cyflawni.

Un o nodweddion Prydain yn yr 80au a’r 90au oedd gwrthgodiadau lleol o bryd i’w gilydd yn erbyn yr heddlu, diweithdra, syrffed a’r dreth y pen. Bychan yw’r rhain serch hynny o’u cymharu â’r hyn sy wedi digwydd yn y gorffennol a beth allai ddigwydd yn y dyfodol. Y tu mewn i’r broses yma o newid cymdeithasol radicalaidd y lleolir comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd. Ond beth yw comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd?

Yn fyr (mi wnawn ni egluro ymhellach yn y bennod nesaf), mae comiwnyddion anarchaidd eisiau gweld distryw ar gyfundrefn bresennol sydd er budd y cyfoethog a’r pwerus. Yr ydym ni eisiau gweld creu byd sydd wedi ei drefnu ar gyfer cwrdd ag anghenion sylfaenol dynolryw, lle mae pawb biau cynnyrch pob gwaith (comiwnyddiaeth). Yr ydym hefyd eisiau gweld diddymu ar bwer y dosbarth teyrnasol. Rheolir cymdeithas gan yr holl bobl trwy eu cyfundrefnau eu hunain (anarchiaeth). Ond onid breuddwyd brydferth mo hyn i gyd?

Nid cynnyrch meddyliau ychydig o ddeallusion sy heb ddod i gysylltiad â thrwch y boblogaeth mo anarchiaeth. Mae’n codi yn uniongyrchol o ymrafael y gweithwyr a’r gormesedig yn erbyn cyfalafiaeth, o’u hanghenion a’u hawydd heb nas cyflawnwyd am ryddid, cydraddoldeb, hapusrwydd a hunangyflawniad. Yn y gorffennol, pryd bynnag wnaeth chwildroadau herio’r meistri, mae syniadau a chyfundrefnau anarchaidd wedi dod i’r amlwg, efallai ond am ychydig, ac yn aml heb alw eu hunain yn anarchaidd.

Yn ystod y Chwyldro Seisnig yn ystod yr 17eg ganrif datblygodd grwpiau fel y Gwastatwyr, y Brygothwyr a’r Cloddwyr syniadau am ryddid, cydraddoldeb a chyfiawnder. Yn ystod y Chwyldro Ffrengig, dechreuodd gweithwyr a chrefftwyr, a oedd yn datblygu eu syniadau eu hunain am ymwybyddiaeth o ddosbarth, ddatblygu syniadau anarchaidd (yr Enragés). Yng Nghomiwn Paris ym 1871 y dechreuwyd ar greu sefydliadau ar gyfer rheolaeth torfol a heriodd yr hen gyfundrefnau am ychydig amser cyn cael eu boddi mewn môr o waed. Yn y chwyldro Rwsaidd 1905 a 1917, datblygodd gweithwyr a’r werin bobl strwythurau tebyg ar gyfer rheolaeth uniongyrchol gan weithwyr megis cynghorau’r gweithwyr a’r pwyllgorau ffatri. Nid oes gan hyn ddim i’w wneud â chipiad pwer gan y Bolsiefiaid ym mis Hydref 1917. Yn yr un modd, adeg y Chwyldro Hwngaraidd ym1956, sefydlodd y gweithwyr gynghorau’r gweithwyr pan wnaethant herio eu gormeswyr ‘comiwnistaidd’. Yn ystod mis Mai yn Ffrainc ym 1968, cipiwyd gweithleoedd a phrifysgolion ac mewn nifer o achlysuron, fe’u gweithredwyd mewn dulliau a oedd i bob pwrpas yn anarchaidd.

Ers y symudiadau yma ar ran y gweithwyr, mae anarchiaeth wedi datblygu’n rym o blith y gweithwyr mwyaf dosbarth-ymwybodol. O’i ddechreuad yn y 19eg ganrif yn y Rhyngwladol Cyntaf, mae tueddiad anarchaidd digamsyniol wedi dod i’r amlwg, dan ddylanwad y chwyldroadwr Rwsaidd Mikhail Bakunin a’i gyfeillion a’i gymdeithion.

Ers hynny, mae anarchiaeth wedi cael dylanwad pwysig ar sefydliadau dosbarth llafur ar draws y byd, o’r America Ladin, i’r Almaen a Sweden, i Tsheina a Siapan. Mi sefydlodd wreiddiau dwfn a ac mi ddaeth yn ddylanwadol ym mudiadau ymrafael dosbarth y gweithwyr yn yr Eidal, Sbaen a Phortiwgal. Mae wedi chwarae rhan ym mhob chwyldro modern.

Mae Anarchwyr wedi dadlau yn gyson ac wedi ymladd dros yr angen i weithwyr gymryd yr awenau a rhedeg cymdeithas, a chymryd rheolaeth y gweithle i’w dwylo eu hunain. Maent wedi rhybuddio yn gyson rhag y posibilrwydd o unrhyw blaid neu eraill ddringo i rym ar gefnau’r dosbarth llafur yn ystod adegau chwyldroadol.

Yn ystod y chwyldro Rwsaidd ym 1917 profodd rhybuddion anarchaidd rhag i’r ymrafael gael ei herwgipio gan yrfawyr a gwleidyddion proffesiynol, yn iawn. Roedd milwriaethwyr anarchaidd wedi cymryd rhan weithredol a phwysig o blith y milwyr gorfod, a oedd wedi gwrthod parhau ymladd y Rhyfel Byd ac a oedd wedi cymryd rhan mewn aflonyddwch yn y trefi a chefn gwlad. Yr oeddent wedi helpu dymchwel yr oruchwyliaeth Tsaraidd a llywodraeth y gwleidyddion dosbarth canol a ddaeth yn ei hôl.

Wrth i’r flwyddyn 1917 fynd yn ei blaen, trodd y gweithwyr yn gynyddol filwriaethus a radicalaidd. Gyda brwdfrydedd, mi wnaethant feddiannu rheolaeth ffatrïoedd gan fynnu diwedd ar yr hen drefn ormesol ac arglwyddiaethol. Meddiannodd y werin y tir ac mi wnaeth gwerin filwyr dyrru yn ôl i’w cartrefi. Mabwysiadwyd y sloganau anarchaidd, ” Y tir i’r sawl sy’n ei aredig, y ffatrïoedd i’r gweithwyr ynddynt!” a “Pob grym i’r Sofietau!” (cynghorau’r gweithwyr) gan y Blaid Folsiefaidd (Gomiwnyddol). Mewn dull celfydd a thros dro, twyllodd Lenin y torfeydd chwyldroadol er mwyn cael cymryd yr awenau. Daeth y gweithwyr yn atebol i unbennaeth bleidiol ar unwaith, unbennaeth a ddaeth yn fwy milain gyda threigl y blynyddoedd.

Daeth y mudiad anarchaidd ei hun hefyd dan lach gormes y Bolsiefiaid. Yr oedd y Bolsiefiaid yn ofni dylanwad cynyddol yr anarchwyr o blith y torfeydd – yr anarchwyr oedd wedi bod ar flaen y gad wrth sefydlu pwyllgorau ffatri er mwyn redeg y gweithleoedd.

Yn yr Iwcrain, dan ddylanwad y milwriaethwr anarchaidd, Nestor Makhno, chwaraeodd y mudiad Makhofistaidd ran flaenllaw wrth drechu’r Byddinoedd(Tsaraidd) Gwyn, a oedd yn ymdeithio trwodd ar eu ffordd i ddymchwel y llywodraeth Folsiefaidd yn Petrograd. Yn llythrennol mi wnaethant achub cam yr oruchwyliaeth Folsiefaidd. Wnaeth hyn mo’u hachub rhag ymosodiadau gan Lenin a Trotsky. Gorfodwyd y Makhnofistiaid i ymladd ymlaen ar sawl ffrynt ac yn nannedd anfanteision, ond ar ddiwedd y dydd fe’u trechwyd. Serch hynny, a than amodau rhyfel anodd iawn, gwnaethant ymdrechu er mwyn cael perchnogaeth gyffredin i’r tir a oedd dan eu rheolaeth.

Felly hefyd yng ngorsaf y llynges yn Kronstadt, erbyn 1921, gwarthnodwyd llongwyr a gweithwyr, a ddisgrifiwyd ym 1917 fel “Blodau’r Chwyldro” gan yr oruchwyliaeth Folsiefaidd, fel ‘gwrthchwyldroadwyr’ a ‘milwyr gwyn’. Eu trosedd? Yr oeddent wedi cwestiynu yr unbennaeth Folsiefaidd dros y Sofietau a oedd erbyn hyn yn ddim ond cregyn gweigion yn hytrach na chyfundrefnau pwer gweithwyr. Roedd llongwyr Kronstadt, trwy ymateb i fileindra ffiaidd y polisïau Bolsiefaidd, llygredd y wladwriaeth a’r dognau newynu, mewn gwirionedd, yn atgyfodi’r achos anarchaidd yn erbyn y wladwriaeth. Am eu hyfdra fe’u llofruddiwyd i gyd mewn cyflafan.

Yn Sbaen ym 1936 y gwynebodd y mudiad anarchaidd sialens enfawr ac agorwyd y posibilrwydd o chwyldro wedi ei ysbrydoli gan anarchiaeth. Roedd yr undeb torfol anarchaidd, y Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo (Conffederasiwn Cenedlaethol Llafur), a’r sefydliad anarchaidd, y Federacion Anarquisya Iberica (Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd Sbaenaidd), ar flaen y gad pan wnaeth Franco (gyda chefnogaeth y lluoedd militaraidd, y ffasgiaid, y breniniaethwyr a’r Eglwys Babyddol) ymgais i ddymchwel y llywodraeth weriniaethol. Mewn nifer o ardaloedd, trechwyd lluoedd Franco i ddechrau gan weithwyr arfog a gwerin bobl. Mewn ardaloedd fel Catalonia ac Aragon, cymerodd y gweithwyr a’r werin reolaeth dros eu bywydau eu hunain, wrth i dir a ffatrïoedd gael eu cymryd i mewn i berchnogaeth gymunedol. Ond, o gwmpas yr undebau yn bennaf oedd anarchiaeth Sbaenaidd wedi ei sefydlu, a hefyd roedd yr undebau yn ddiffygiol o ran dealltwriaeth boliticaidd, felly, fe’i trechwyd yn fuan gan ‘gomiwnyddion’ a gwleidyddion y werinlywodraeth. Yn anffodus, arweiniodd hyn at gyfaddawdu ar wleidyddiaeth anarchaidd ac ar nifer o’r safbwyntiau anarchaidd. Trechwyd anarchiaeth Sbaenaidd, nid yn unig gan y ffasgiaid a byd busnesau mawr ond hefyd gan Stalinistiaid a gwendidau ei gwleidyddiaeth fewnol.

Mae’r amlinelliad o ddatblygiad anarchaidd a roddir yma yn dangos y gellir gwireddu newidiadau real gan weithwyr pan font wedi eu symbylu gan anarchiaeth. Nid breuddwyd Iwtopaidd mohono. Y mae’n un o’r llinynnau bythol-bresennol yn arfer y dosbarth llafur, a’r dasg yw ei wneud yn brif linyn. Tra bo gweithwyr yn chwilio am ateb rhyddewyllysiol i’w problemau adeg cyfnodau chwyldroadol, mae yna eraill fel y Trotskiaid a’r gwleidyddion dosbarth canol sy eisiau eu defnyddio i’w diben eu hunain yn eu cyrch am bwer.

Yn y gorffennol, mae anarchiaid wedi bod yn rhy ddiniwed. Gwelsant, yn ddigon cywir, mai cyfalafiaeth a’r wladwriaeth oedd y prif elynion ond nid oeddent yn ddigon ymwybodol o’r peryglon a ddeuai o’r rhai hynny oedd yn esgus bod yn rhan o fudiad y gweithwyr. Dyma’r rheswm dros yr angen am gyfundrefn anarchaidd fawr boliticaidd-ymwybodol sydd wedi ei threfnu’n dda. Mi fuasai’r fath gyfundrefn yn cynnig gweledigaethau arall o’r dyfodol, yn datblygu syniadau anarchaidd ac yn cynnig gwrth-ddadleuon i’r sosialwyr gwladwriaethol, rhyddfrydwyr a chyfeillion twyllodrus eraill y dosbarth llafur. Mae gan elynion anarchiaeth drefniadaeth dda ac mae angen i anarchiaeth fabwysiadu trefn sy’n well. Hybu gwireddiad y fath gyfundrefn yw tasg y Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd.

4. ANARCHAETH — DYFODOL POSIB

Mi fydd cymdeithas anarchaidd-comiwnistaidd yn ei hanfod yn wahanol iawn i’r ffordd yr ydym yn byw heddiw. Mae cyfalafiaeth wedi newid y byd y tu hwnt i bob adnabyddiaeth dros y ddau gan mlynedd diwethaf. Mae cyfalafwyr a ‘homiwnistiaid’ y wladwriaeth (cyfalafwyr y wladwriaeth) wedi ceisio arglwyddiaethu dros gyfundrefn natur ac wedi dod â ni o fewn dim i drychineb ecolegol. Nid yw sefyllfaoedd hunllefus ond nepell i ffwrdd wrth i natur ildio i ddiwydiannaeth, ynni niwclear, lledaeniadau carbon diocsid, datgoedwigo, ffermio ffatri, ac yn y blaen.

Mi fydd comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd yn golygu ailfeddwl yn hanfodol y ffordd yr ydym yn rhedeg ein bywydau. Mi fydd yn rhaid i ni fyw mewn cytgord â natur nid yn ei herbyn. Oes gwir angen cymaint o geir modur? Oes angen ugain math o frws dannedd? Nad oes dulliau di-lygredd o gynhyrchu trydan? Bydd rhaid mynd i’r afael â’r rhain a llu o faterion ecolegol eraill os oes llawer o ddyfodol i fod i’r hil ddynol.

Ynghyd â newid ein perthynas â natur, bydd yn rhaid newid ein perthynas â’n gilydd. Ar hyn o bryd, mae pob agwedd o’n bywydau yn atebol i reolaeth oddi uchod. Mae miloedd o bobl mewn swyddi lle nad ydynt yn gwneud fawr ddim ar wahân i roi pawb yn eu lle a chwtogi ar ryddid. Mae ieuenctid, pobl dduon, yr hoyw ac anghydffurfwyr yn darged parod i aflonyddwch gan yr Heddlu. Unwaith rhown ein troed dros garreg drws y gweithle, mae unrhyw olwg o reolaeth bersonol yn gorfod plygu i reolaeth bitw ac erledigaeth. I lawer o fenywod a phlant, mae hyd yn oed y cartref yn anniogel yn wyneb trais teuluol.

Mae anarchiaeth yn golygu rhyddid. Ni ddylai unigolion fod yn atebol i ymyrraeth o’r tu allan cyhyd â’u bod yn parchu ac yn peidio atal rhyddid eraill. Ond nid y rhyddid i wneud fel y mynnoch yw’r unig agwedd arno. Cyn y gall rhyddid fodoli go iawn, mae angen sicrwydd, amgylchedd diogel a gofalus a’r modd i gyflawni potensial dynol yn llawn. Golyga rhyddid, felly, yr addysg a’r gofal iechyd gorau posib i’n galluogi i gael y gorau allan o fywyd.

Y ffordd orau o gryfhau rhyddid yw trwy ddatblygu cymunedau lle y gall pobl redeg eu bywydau eu hunain. Gyda gyfalafiaeth, mae cymunedau bron â diflannu o’r tir wrth i unigolion a theuluoedd gloi eu hunain i mewn i’w tai a’u hynysu eu hunain wrth bawb arall. Mewn cymdeithas anarchaidd mae’n sicr y buasai gwahanol fathau o gymunedau yn bodoli, wedi’u seilio efallai ar y gweithle neu’r lleoliad daearyddol. Mi fydd cymunedau yn ymuno yn wirfoddol ag eraill i greu rhwydwaith o sefydliadau annibynnol ond eto yn gydweithredol a’r rhain fuasai’n gweinyddu cymdeithas.

Mi fydd y gyfundrefn yma a adwaenir fel ffederasiwn yn cyfuno cymunedau ar lefelau gwahanol, o’r lleol i’r rhyngwladol. Trwy seilio trefn cymdeithas ar ymdeimlad o gydgefnogaeth a chydweithrediad, gall unigolion gymryd rhan yn y broses o redeg eu bywydau, gan gyfrannu at ymestyn eu rhyddid.

Felly mi fuasai pobl, am y tro cyntaf yn cymryd rheolaeth uniongyrchol o’u bywydau eu hunain. Ni fuasai lle i arweinyddiaethau, penaethiaid, gwleidyddion proffesiynol na gweision sifil. Lle buasai rhai tasgau yn gofyn am berson mewn sefyllfa o gyfrifoldeb, llenwid y fath swydd ar sail wirfoddol neu, o bosib, rhan amser. Mi fuasai pobl a fuasai’n ymgymryd â’r fath dasgau yna yn eu gwneud ar sail cael eu galw yn ôl ar fyrder gan y bobl y byddent yn eu gwasanaethu.

Mi fuasai anarchiaeth yn golygu diwedd ar ‘gyfraith a threfn’ fel yr ydym ni yn eu hadnabod. Modd yw’r gyfundrefn gyfreithiol, sy’n cynnwys yr heddlu, ynadon, barnwyr a charchardai o amddiffyn y cyfoethog a’r pwerus rhag trwch y boblogaeth. Diddymir y fath sefydliadau ar ôl distrywio anghydraddoldeb a llywodraeth. Mi fuasai’r carchardai yn cael eu dymchwel, y barnwyr yn cael eu hymddeol a’r heddlu yn cael eu hail gyflogi i wneud gwaith a fuasai’n fuddiol i gymdeithas. Yn erbyn eiddo y mae’r rhelyw o drosedd ac fe’i hachosir gan anghydraddoldeb o ran cyfoeth. Wrth i eiddo gael ei gymunedu, ac wrth i anghydraddoldeb ddiflannu, felly hefyd y daw diwedd ar bron pob troseddu. Wrth gwrs, mi fuasai yna elfennau gwrthgymdeithasol yn dal mewn bodolaeth ond mi fuasai’r cymunedau eu hunain yn delio â nhw mewn modd cyfiawn a dynol.

Mae cyfalafiaeth wedi aflunio a gwyrdroi pob perthynas ddynol. Canlyniad rhoi arian o flaen pobl yw trachwant, hel arian, dyrchafiadau yn y gweithle, diraddio bodau dynol i fod yn unedau economaidd a llawer mwy.

Mi fuasai comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd yn diddymu cyfalafiaeth ac eiddo preifat ac yn eu dodi yn nwylo’r bobl. Mi fuasai adeiladau cyhoeddus, siopau, swyddfeydd, ffatrïoedd, warysau a thir yn nwylo’r cymunedau i’w datblygu er lles pawb. Nid yw hyn, wrth gwrs , yn golygu diwedd ar eiddo personol.

Mae comiwnyddiaeth yn gofyn am ddiddymu arian a, pan fo’r amodau’n caniatáu hynny, dosbarthu nwyddau a gwasanaethau yn rhad ac am ddim ar sail angen personol. Mewn geiriau eraill, gall pobl gymryd yr hyn y maent ei angen fel bo’r angen. Os na fuasai cynhyrchu yn ddigonol i gwrdd â’r angen yna mi fuasai nwyddau a gwasanaethau yn cael eu rhannu allan yn gyfartal er mwyn sicrhau dosbarthiad teg. O ystyried technoleg cyfrifiadur modern, ni ddylai fod yna fawr ddim anhawster wrth gynllunio cynhyrchu a dosbarthiad i gwrdd ag anghenion pawb, yn enwedig os nad oes yna’r dyblygu gwastraffus sy’n nodweddu’r gyfundrefn bresennol.

Ar hyn o bryd, i’r rhelyw o bobl, rhywbeth i’w osgoi ar bob cyfrif yw gwaith, ond bod dal ei angen er mwyn sicrhau safon goddefadwy o fyw. Mewn economi anarchaidd-comiwnistaidd, diddymir gwaith dianghenraid a lleiheir gwaith angenrheidiol yn unol â dymuniadau pobl. Yna, dognir gwaith annymunol wedi iddo gael ei leihau i’r isafswm isaf posib gan dechnoleg addas neu fe’i gwneir gan bobl nad ydynt yn ffeindio gwaith o’r fath yn annymunol. Diddymir y gwahaniaeth rhwng gwaith a pheidio gweithio wrth i bobl unwaith eto fabwysiadu dull cydgordiol o fyw.

Ond nid mater yn unig o fath newydd o economi neu ddull trefn cymdeithas mo comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd. Fel proses parhaus yn cychwyn cyn y chwyldro ac yn datblygu wedi hynny, mae angen ymosod ar bob cred, agwedd, sefydliad ac arfer sy’n lleihau rhyddid a chyfiawnder. Mae angen diddymu crefydd, rhagfarn rhyw, oedraniaeth, hiliaeth, trachwant a hunan ddyrchafiaeth, neu mi fydd y chwyldro wedi bod yn ddibwrpas. Ond ni allwn wneud mwy nag amlinellu rhai o’r datblygiadau a allai gymryd lle. Mae nifer o bethau yn codi na allwn eu rhagweld ac felly nid yw’r amlinelliad yma o gymdeithas anarchaidd mewn unrhyw ystyr yn lasddarlun sanctaidd a digyfnewid.

5. Y BYD YN EICH DWYLO

Os edrychwch chi ar y byd fel ag y mae e heddiw, o’i gymharu â’r gyfundrefn garai comiwnistiaid anarchaidd ei gweld, yna – a dweud y lleiaf – mae gennym llond cae o waith o’n blaen.Mae sicrhau’r fath newid yn ymddangos yn dasg enfawr.

Ond cyn wnaiff hyn oll beri i chi chi ddanto, cofiwch ein bod yn byw mewn byd sy’n newid yn gyflym. Ni fuasai fawr neb yn adnabod y byd yr ydym yn byw ynddo heddiw hyd yn oed o ryw ugain mlynedd yn ôl. Mewn gwirionedd, mae’r byd wedi newid mwy yn ystod yr hanner can mlynedd diwethaf nac yn ystod y pum cant blaenorol.

Mae ffactorau fel economeg a thechnoleg wedi chwarae eu rhan wrth lunio’r byd ond ar ddiwedd y dydd, y bobl sydd yn newid pethau mewn gwirionedd. Yn gynharach, cyfeiriwyd at y wladwriaeth les fel dull o reoli. Ond ar y llaw arall, dim ond oherwydd i’r dosbarth llafur ymladd amdanynt (er bod gwleidyddion yn aml wedi hawlio’r clod) y daeth gofal iechyd sylfaenol i fodolaeth o gwbl. Heb fygwth gweithredu, ni fuasem fyth wedi ennill yr hawl i’r fath bethau. Mae streiciau, neu eu bygwth yn helpu gwella cyflogau ac amodau gweithio. Heb weithredu o du ein dosbarth ni, dim ond gwaethygu mae pethau. Yn yr un modd, diddymwyd treth y pen wrth i bobl ymladd yn ei herbyn a gwrthod talu.

Hyd y dydd heddiw, mae gennym y gallu i newid pethau os wnawn weithredu ar y cyd.. Mae’r grym i drawsnewid cymdeithas yn nwylo y rhai sy’n creu popeth – y dosbarth llafur. Dyma ffynhonnell ein nerth yn y pen draw, petaem yn ei ddefnyddio, y grym, nid i gyflawni ychydig o ddiwygiadau ond i drawsnewid y gyfundrefn yn llwyr, i gyflawni chwyldro gymdeithasol.

Y Chwith

Nid comiwnistiaid anarchaidd yw’r unig bobl i siarad am chwyldro. Er i aml ‘chwyldro’ ddigwydd yn y gorffennol, mae cyfalafiaeth yn dal i fodoli. Nid yw comiwnyddiaeth iawn wedi bodoli yn unman; Nid oedd y diweddar Undeb Sofietaidd yn ei anterth ’sosialaidd’ yn unrhywbeth o’r fath. Ffurf ar gyfalafiaeth (cyfalafiaeth y wladwriaeth) oedd ‘comiwnyddiaeth’ y wladwriaeth gyda’r blaid Gomiwnyddol yn ‘bennaeth’ a biwrocratiaid y blaid, y breintiedig rai.

A derbyn dymchwel comiwnyddiaeth yn Nwyrain Ewrop bellach, syndod yw darganfod fod yna grwpiau yn dal i fodoli ym Mhrydain sy eisiau dilyn esiampl yr Undeb Sofietaidd. Eto, yn rhyfeddol, mae mudiadau fel y Tueddiad Milwriaethus a Phlaid y Gweithwyr Sosialaidd yn dal i ganu’r un hen gân. “Mae’r gweithwyr ar ei hôl hi”, meddent, “mae angen arweiniad mudiadau tebyg i ni”, meddent eto. “Mae yna argyfwng arweiniad; dim ond ni sy’n gwybod y ffordd ymlaen………mae angen disgyblaeth plaid…..plaid o arweinwyr a’r sawl sy’n cael eu harwain………”, ac yn y blaen.

Roedd model yr hen Undeb Sofietaidd o sosialaeth honedig yn drychineb i’r dosbarth llafur ar draws y byd. P’un ai oedd y bobl yma yn dilyn dysgeidiaeth Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin neu Mao, y gwir amdani yw bod eu gau broffwydi wedi profi’n elynion milain i’r dosbarth llafur go iawn (yn groes i’w ffantasïau am y dosbarth llafur). Mae neges yn eglur:

mae angen i’r dosbarth llafur a’r rhai sy dan ormes, os ydyn ni fyth i ennill ein rhyddid, i fwrw ati ein hunain heb arweinwyr hunan-apwyntiedig.

Os yw’r bobl yma byth i lwyddo yma, yna mi fyddant yn dod i mewn â dulliau newydd o gamddefnyddio a gormes. Mi wnânt weiddi am sosialaeth a’r byd newydd braf, ond y nhw, nid y sathredig fydd yn llywodraethu. Mi fyddant wedi newid enw’r gyfundrefn ond mi fydd y gormes a’r ymelwad yn parhau.

Mae’r Blaid Lafur weithiau yn defnyddio’r gair ’sosialaeth’ wrth ddisgrifio eu polisïau ond nid yn aml iawn! Unwaith eto, nid yw’r Blaid Lafur yn, nac wedi bod yn, Sosialaidd. Mae’r Blaid Lafur yn darparu swyddi ar gyfer rhai cannoedd o yrfawyr dosbarth canol ond nid yw wedi gwneud fawr o les i neb. Er gwaethaf sawl Llywodraeth Lafur (Sawl blwyddyn yn ôl?) wnaeth dim byd newid. Mi wnaeth Gyfalafiaeth barhau fel ag o’r blaen.

y dewis anarchaidd – y FfA

Ond rhoddodd y Blaid Lafur y gorau i bob esgus o newid radicalaidd achau yn ôl. Dim ond grp bach byth lleihaol o’r hunan dwylledig a threiddwyr sy’n canfod unrhyw obaith o’r cyfeiriad yma.

Sefydlwyd y Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd er mwyn hyrwyddo’r ymrafael am fyd sy’n well – byd heb wleidyddion, cadfridogion, offeiriadon a phenaethiaid. Tra nad ydym yn gweld ein hunain fel casgliad o broffwydi sy’n gwybod yr holl atebion, credwn fod gennym safbwyntiau a syniadau defnyddiol a allai fod o ddefnydd i’r dosbarth llafur. Mae gennym hefyd weledigaeth bendant am y nodd o gyrraedd byd heb gamddefnyddiaeth.

Ar hyn o bryd, yr ydym yn ceisio lledaenu ein syniadaeth o blith y dosbarth llafur. Golyga hyn gynhyrchu cylchgronau, pamffledi, llyfrynnau, posteri, casetiau, et cetera, er mwyn lledaenu’r neges anarchistaidd i’r gynulleidfa fwyaf eang posib.. Ond nid mater o gael syniadau da yn unig mo comiwnistiaeth anarchaidd. Ar eu pen eu hunain, mae syniadau yn ddiwerth. Mae angen hefyd eu gweithredu. Felly mae’r FfA wrthi yn cefnogi streicwyr, sgwatwyr, tenantiaid, carcharorion, gwrthdystiadau, terfysgoedd et cetera. Ond nid ydym yn ymgyfrannu, dim ond er mwyn lledaenu ein syniadau, ond gan ein bod yn credu mai trwy y fath ymrafael a’u cysylltu i fewn i fudiadau cymdeithasol y gallwn ddatblygu’r hyder dosbarth yn ein galluoedd i newid y sefyllfa sydd ohoni. Mae hybu’r fath hyder yn bwysig gan y gall buddugoliaeth fach heddiw olygu buddugoliaeth yn fwy yfory.

Yr ydym yn ymgyfrannu mewn ymgyrchoedd fel Comiwnistiaid Anarchaidd, mewn geiriau eraill, yr ydym yn gwthio’r syniad y dylai pob ymrafael gael ei rheoli gan y bobl sy’n ran ohoni, nid y penaethiaid pleidiau allanol, y cynhyrfwyr, biwrocratiaid yr undebau llafur, nac arweinwyr cymunedol hunan-apwyntiedig.

Ym mhob rhan o’r gymuned, yr ydym yn cefnogi creu sefydliadau gwerin gwlad megis grwpiau merched ymreolus a dosbarth llafur i ymladd gormes rhywiol. Yn yr un modd yr ydym yn cefnogi grwpiau pobl ddu dosbarth llafur ymreolus yn eu brwydr yn erbyn hiliaeth a ffasgiaeth. Yn y gweithleoedd, yr ydym yn hyrwyddo creu mudiad ymreolus nerthol y tu allan i reolaeth yr undebau a rheolaeth. Ar yr un pryd, yr ydym yn ceisio creu grwpiau anarchaidd chwyldroadol mewn diwydiannau er mwyn lledaenu’r neges anarchaidd. Ym mhob achos, brwydr yn erbyn cyfalafiaeth yw’r frwydr dros ryddid.

Nid yw’r FfA yn ceisio gwneud unrhyw fater neu ymrafael yn flaenoriaeth dros eraill. Am yn rhy hir, cael ei rannu a’i reoli yw tynged y dosbarth llafur. Y mae’n bwysig y tu hwnt i gysylltu pob ymrafael dosbarth llafur er mwyn creu mudiad cymdeithasol torfol yn erbyn y gyfundrefn bresennol.

Diwylliant gwrthsefyll dosbarth llafur

A dyma ein nod yn y tymor canolig, creu mudiad cydgefnogol enfawr o ymladdwyr i fynd i’r gad yn erbyn gormes y dosbarth llywodraethol.

Mae hi’n bwysig creu’r modd i’n dosbarth ymateb i ymosodiadau. Yn y byd sydd ohoni, oherwydd y tueddiad i wahaniaethu pob ymrafael, mae’n hawdd delio â nhw fesul un. Hanfod creu undod y gwir ddosbarth llafur yw canfod ymosodiad ar unrhyw ran o’n dosbarth fel ymosodiad ar bob un ohonom.

Nid ydym yn dweud mai mudiad amddiffynnol yn unig y dylai’r fath fudiad fod. Trwy hybu hyder yn ein hunain fel dosbarth, yr ydym yn creu’r modd i fynd i’r gad yn erbyn y gyfundrefn.

A thrwy fynd i’r gad, yr ydym yn golygu creu cyfundrefn hunan-drefnedig dorfol a chreu cynghorau gweithwyr fel dull o hyrwyddo grym a hunan drefniadaeth y dosbarth llafur. Yn ogystal â hyn mi fydd sefydliadau tenantiaid a chymunedau, yr oll wedi eu rheoli gan y rhai sy’n ran ohonynt, yn galw am streiciau rhent torfol, gwrthdystiadau, terfysgoedd ac aflonyddwch cymdeithasol. Mi fuasai gan y fath fudiad y grym i ddinerthu cyfalafiaeth yn llwyr.

Mae dosbarth y penaethiaid yn ddigon hapus â phethau fel ag y maent (ar wahân i ambell i lithriad economaidd). Mae syniadau comiwnyddiaeth anarchaidd yn codi arswyd arnynt. A phan soniwn am greu mudiad cymdeithasol torfol a fydd yn ymosod ar union seiliau y gyfundrefn gyfalafol, yna mae gwersi hanes yn dweud wrthom y gwna’r cyfalafwyr ddefnyddio holl rym y wladwriaeth i’n rhwystro. Mai hyn am ein bod yn sôn am chwyldro cymdeithasol. Mi wnânt ddefnyddio, nid un unig yr heddlu, ond hefyd y fyddin (petai’n para yn ffyddlon i’r gyfundrefn). Mi wnânt ddefnyddio minteioedd o ffasgiaid, ysbïwyr, agents provocateurs, hurfilwyr, unrhyw beth er mwyn ein rhwystro.

Oherwydd hyn, mae’n dra thebyg y dilynir unrhyw ymgais am chwyldro cymdeithasol gan wrth chwyldro o ddosbarth y penaethiaid a’u dilynwyr. Felly fe fydd angen gwrthgodiad arfog adeg unrhyw newid cymdeithasol sylweddol yn erbyn dosbarth y penaethiaid. Gall ymrafael dosbarth, dan reolaeth y gweithwyr, roi nifer o hanfodion comiwnistiaeth anarchaidd i mewn i weithrediad, ond eto mi fydd angen creu byddinoedd y gweithwyr er mwyn iddynt amddiffyn eu hunain ac, yn y pen draw, trechu a diddymu cyfalafiaeth.

Efallai fod hyn yn swnio braidd yn drwm ond eto, gyda chyfalafiaeth yn mynd ar ei ben tuag at ansefydlogrwydd economaidd cynyddol, rhyfeloedd ‘confensiynol’ a niwclear, a distryw amgylchfydol, yna mewn gwirionedd, mae’r amserau drwg yma’n barod ac yn gwaethygu wrth y funud.

moddau a dibenion

Yr ydym eisiau dyfodol i’n hunain a’n plant – a dyfodol sy’n cynnig y rhyddid pennaf heb gamddefnyddiaeth economaidd. Credwn ein bod wedi gosod y seiliau er gwireddu hyn heddiw. Mae’r FfA yn ymladd am y fath ddyfodol. Yr ydym yn trefnu heddiw mewn modd sy’n adlewyrchu ein nod yn y pen draw. Nid ydym yn fiwrocratiaeth anhyblyg (fel y sefydliadau asgell chwith), sy’n cael eu rhedeg a’u trafod gan benaethiaid y pleidiau. Mewn gwirionedd, nid oes gennym unrhyw swyddogion amser llawn na pharhaol na phwyllgorau canolog, dim arweinwyr a dilynwyr. Penderfynir ein safle ar wahanol faterion ac ar weithrediadau trwy ymgyfraniad cyfartal( cyn belled ag y mae pobl yn dewis cymryd rhan), mewn nifer o wahanol ffyrdd. Mae’r rhain yn cynnwys trafodaethau printiedig mewn bwletin mewnol, cynadleddau blynyddol (sy’n agored i’r holl aelodau, cyfarfodydd anfonogion (sy’n cynnwys yr holl anfonogion grp lleol dros dro ac aelodau unigol) ac ysgolion undydd rheolaidd. Etholir pob ’swyddog’ e.e. ysgrifennydd cenedlaethol, trysorydd am gyfnodau penodedig ac mi allant gael eu diswyddo gan y gynhadledd neu gyfarfod anfonogion os ydynt yn ymddwyn mewn dulliau amhwrpasol.

Ys dywed ei deitl, ffederasiwn yw’r FfA. Prif nod y FfA yw gweithredu mewn dull unedig er sicrhau y dylanwad mwyaf ar y dosbarth llafur. Felly, mae aelodau yn ymuno, wedi iddynt dderbyn nifer o nodau ac egwyddorion sylfaenol (sydd wedi eu printio ar ddiwedd y pamffled). Hefyd mae gan aelodau sy wedi cyfrannu’n llawn at dynnu’r polisïau i fyny gyfrifoldeb i sicrhau eu gweithrediad. Serch hynny, golyga hyn y bydd grwpiau lleol ac aelodau unigol yn gosod eu nodau a’u gweithrediadau eu hunain o fewn y cyd-destun yma.

Mae gweithrediad y Ffederasiwn Anarchaidd yn nwylo ei holl aelodau. Yr ydym eisiau creu byd lle mae grym yn nwylo’r holl bobl.

Os teimlwch eich bod yn cytuno yn gyffredinol â’r syniadau fynegwyd yn y pamffled yma ac yn cytuno â’n Nodau ac Egwyddorion, yna yr ydym yn eich annog i wneud cais am aelodaeth er mwyn helpu adeiladu ein mudiad. Mi allwch wneud hyn trwy ysgrifennu at: afed.org.uk

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